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fmaii  Civilization 


FUNG,  Ph.D. 


y^«-<A.:^tr< 


STUDIES 


EUROPEAN  HISTORY 


GREEK  AND  ROMAN  CIVILIZATION 


WITH    AN    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    SOURCE 
STUDY    METHOD 


BY 

FRED   MORROW   FLING,   Ph.D. 
The  University  of  Nebj-aska 


SECOND  EDITION 


Lincoln,  Nebraska 

J.  H.  Miller 

1899 


COPYRIGHTED  1899 

BY 

FRED  MORROW  FLING 


lAU. 


>* 


4 


C/3 

mi 


CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

Introduction v 

I.  The  Homeric  Age 1-15 

II.  The  Athenian  Constitution 17-29 

III.  Spartan  Life 31-44 

IV.  Alexander's  Methods  of  Warfare  47-62 

aj              V.  The  Achaean  League 63-75 

g  VI.  The  Roman  Constitution 77-92 

m 

M  VII.  Roman  Life  of  the  First  Punic 

War 93-108 

VIII.  Roman    Life   of   the   Jugurthine 

Period   109-124 

^J  IX.  Roman  Life  Under  the  Empire.  .125-144 

X.  Roman  Law 145-163 


32104G 


INTRODUCTION. 


The  pedagogy  of  the  last  half  of  the  nine- 
teenth century  differs  both  in  matter  and  in 
method  from  that  of  the  first  half.  Our  age  is 
scientific  above  all  things,  and  this  spirit  has 
permeated,  one  by  one,  all  branches  of  instruc- 
tion. The  change  in  matter  has  consisted  in  a 
revolt  against  the  claims  of  the  classics  to  a 
monopoly  of  all  knowledge  and  all  discipline. 
The  revolt  was  successful  and  the  classics 
were  relegated  to  their  proper  place  in  the 
new  curriculum.  Henceforth  they  are  to  form 
a  i»art  and  not  the  whole  of  education. 
Through  the  breach  thus  made  new  studies 
entered  demanding  their  share  of  attention. 
In  truth,  some  of  them  demanded  more  than 
their  share,  and  for  a  time,  under  the  influence 
of  the  reactionary  spirit,  the  movement  threat- 
ened to  go  too  far  in  the  opposite  direction  and 
to  abandon  the  classics  entirely. 

But  the  new  matter  was  not  more  important 
than  the  new  method.  With  the  sciences  came 
the  scientific  spirit  and  the  laboratory  method. 
The  old  method,  or  lack  of  method,  presided 
at  the  birth  of  the  new  studies,  but  the  text- 
book recitation  was  at  first  supplemented  by 
experiments  performed  before  the  cl^ss,  and  at 
last  by  expoi-iuients  performed  by  the  class, 
and  the  cliauge  was  complete.  That  the  lab- 
oratory method  was  the  only  method  to  be  em- 
ployed in  teaching  the  sciences  was  quite  clear; 
that  it  had  a  universal  application  and  might 
be  as  readily  employed  in  teaching  oilier  sub- 

(v) 


VI  INTRODUCTION. 

jects,  not  generally  recognized  as  sciences,  was 
not  so  clear.  The  result  of  this  apparent  ina- 
bility to  understand  the  great  possibilities  in 
the  new  method  has  been  a  marked  absence  of 
progress  in  the  teaching  of  certain  subjects. 
History,  unfortunately,  is  one  of  these.  I  say 
''unfortunately,"  for  I  know  of  no  subject 
whose  right  teaching  is  of  more  importance, 
especially  for  the  people  of  a  democracy.  And 
yet  it  was  but  natural  that  history  should  be 
one  of  the  last  subjects  to  feel  the  touch  of  the 
scientific  influence.  Its  subject  was  common- 
place— humanity;  its  material — the  every  day 
objects  found  under  the  hands  and  eyes  of 
every  human  being.  Neither  subject  nor  ma- 
terial lent  itself  readily  to  scientific  treatment. 
The  impulse  to  change  generally  comes  from 
the  top  and  it  was  only  in  the  last  generation 
that  the  historical  method  was  sufficiently  de- 
veloped to  make  it  possible  for  the  great  teach- 
ers of  history  to  give  that  impulse.  But  at 
last  the  impulse  has  been  given  and  is  making 
its  wa3^  through  our  whole  system.  Up  to  the 
present  time,  however,  it  has  made  the  great- 
est progress  in  the  universities  and  better  col- 
leges and  has  not  produced  a  very  deep  im- 
pression upon  the  secondary  schools.  Yet  the 
signs  are  not  lacking  to  prove  that  the  time 
has  come  for  energetic  and  systematic  work  in 
the  grades  below  the  college.  As  an  aid  to 
this  work,  the  following  "source"  extracts  have 
been  prepared,  with  an  introduction  upon 
method  and  its  application  in  the  secondary 
schools. 

A  good  definition  of  history  is  not  easy  to 
find,  but  perhaps  one  of  the  best  is  that  given 
by  Bernheim:  "History  is  the  science  of  the 
evolution  of  man  in  his  activities  as  a  social 
being."     Let  us  examine  the  definition  care- 


INTRODUCTION.  Vll 

fully  and  endeavor  to  get  at  its  meaning.  In 
the  first  place,  it  is  claimed  that  history  is  a 
science,  that  is,  a  body  of  systematized  knowl- 
edge. If,  as  has  been  recently  affirmed,  there 
is  no  science  but  exact  science  and  natural 
science,  and  man  is  excluded  from  the  realm 
of  nature,  our  claim  cannot  be  allowed.  But 
I  am  inclined  to  think  that  all  sciences  are  not 
equally  exact,  and  that  if  the  term  "natural" 
be  used  to  exclude  man,  then  there  are  sciences 
that  are  not  natural  sciences.  I  am  also  in- 
clined to  think  that  man  is  as  natural  as  any 
other  animal.  The  refusal  to  concede  to  his- 
tory a  place  among  the  sciences  may  have  had 
some  weight  a  hundred  years  ago,  but  it  has 
none  to-day.  "Knowledge  is  science  in  the  de- 
gree in  which  it  can  be  subjected  to  method 
and  law"  and  so  rendered  comprehensible  and 
certain.  Under  this  test  history  must  surely 
be  assigned  the  rank  of  a  science,  though  con- 
fessedly inexact  and  as  yet  but  partially 
wrought  out."  But  what  science  is  absolutely 
exact  or  completely  wrought  out?  All  are  in 
a  state  of  flux,  and  are  more  or  less  inexact 
and  incomplete.  History  is  one  of  the  late 
comers.  Its  greater  incomi)leteness  and  inex- 
actness as  a  science  are  due  to  its  complexity 
and  to  the  fact  that  its  development  depends 
so  largely  upon  the  development  of  a  consider- 
able number  of  auxiliary  sciences. 

We  note  in  the  second  place  that  history  is 
the  "science  of  the  evolution  of  man."  History 
is  no  longer  a  simple  teller  of  stories;  the  muse 
has  set  herself  a  sterner  task.  We  are  con- 
scious that  the  society  of  to-day  differs  from 
the  society  of  one  thousand  years  ago.  An 
evolution  has  taken  place  and  it  is  the  work 
of  the  historian  to  trace  this  evolution  through 
all  its  phases.     It  should  be  noted,  further, 


Vlll  INTRODUCTION. 

that  it  is  not  simply  the  evolution  of  the  Amer- 
ican, nor  of  the  Englishman,  but  the  evolution 
of  all  men.  This  idea  is  too  new  to  be  fully 
realized,  but  in  the  period  of  African,  Chinese, 
and  Japanese  wars,  it  should  be  evident  to  the 
most  superficial  observer  that  history,  univer- 
sal history,  has  for  its  theater  the  whole  globe 
and  for  its  actors  all  mankind. 

The  last  point  in  the  definition  to  be  con- 
sidered is  the  fact  that  history  has  to  do  with 
all  the  activities  of  man  as  a  social  being.  His- 
tory is  not  simply  "past  politics."  It  is  that 
and  something  more,  for  in  order  to  under- 
stand the  meaning  of  the  social  evolution  of 
man,  all  the  expressions  of  man's  life  in  so- 
ciety must  be  considered,  whether  these  ex- 
pressions be  political,  economic,  literary,  artis- 
tic, or  religious.  It  is  with  man's  social  life 
in  its  completeness  that  the  historian  has  to 
do. 

The  historian  then  attempts  to  describe  the 
evolution  of  the  society  of  which  he  himself 
forms  a  part.  But  how  can  this  evolution  be 
traced?  The  old  Greeks,  Romans,  and  Ger- 
mans, are  long  since  dead  and  cannot  be  called 
back  to  life  that  we  may  study  their  civiliza- 
tion. That  civilization  must  be  reconstructed, 
but  how  and  from  what  material?  Shall  we 
allow  full  play  to  our  imaginations  and  call 
the  result  an  historical  reconstruction?  Such 
a  history  Avould  have  as  much  value  as  the 
work  of  a  l)otanist  who  had  never  studied 
plant  life.  There  is  but  one  waf  to  recon- 
struct the  life  of  Ihe  ]mst  and  that  is  from  the 
renmins  of  the  ])ast.  Everything  Ihat  has  come 
down  from  the  past  must  be  used  in  recon- 
structing the  ]»ast.  These  remains  are  called 
historical  sources.  As  tho  word  "history"  is 
ai»plit'd  indiscriminately  to  l)oth  the  fact  and 


INTRODUCTION.  IX 

the  record  of  the  fact,  it  is  of  the  utmost  im- 
portance that,  at  the  very  outset,  we  draw  the 
line  sharply  between  the  two.  The  historical 
fact  is  what  actually  did  happen  in  all  its  full- 
ness and  truthfulness;  the  record  of  the  fact  is 
the  belief  of  certain  persons  as  to  what  hap- 
pened. It  is  self-evident  that  the  fact  and  the 
record  of  the  fact  may  be  quite  different  things. 
In  truth,  they  generally  are  quite  different  and 
never  can  be  exactly  the  same.  If  this  last 
assertion  be  correct,  then  we  can  never  know 
exactly  what  happened  at  a  certain  time  and 
in  a  certain  place  and  it  is  evident  that  abso- 
lute historical  truth  is  beyond  our  r?ach. 

An  examination  of  the  way  in  which  the 
record  is  made  will  make  more  clear  the  truth 
of  the  above  statement.  An  event  takes  place 
and  is  gone.  One  or  more  persons  make  a 
record  of  it.  Our  knowledge  of  the  event  is 
obtained  from  the  record.  If  it  be  inexact  or 
incomplete  we  are  helpless,  for  the  event  will 
not  take  i>lace  again.  It  cannot  be  conjured 
up  a  second  time  and  induced  to  move  slowly 
that  we  may  catch  its  slightest  peculiarity. 
The  botanist,  the  chemist,  and  the  physicist 
may  repeat  their  experiments  until  the  record 
is  satisfactory,  while  the  historian  is  ofien  de- 
pendent ui>on  the  record  of  an  event  made  by  a 
careless  or  ignorant  observer.  What  we  have 
before  us  then  is  not  a  photograph  of  the  fact, 
for  the  fact  passed  through  a  human  brain  be- 
fore i-eachiiig  jfaper  and  was  more  or  less  dis- 
torted in  the  i>assage.  A  hundred  and  one 
things  may  conspire  to  make  this  record  de- 
fective. Physical  defects,  combined  with 
ign()ranc(\  jsassiou,  and  prejudice  may  so  trans- 
form the  fact  as  to  rendei-  it  hardly  recogniza- 
ble and  to  make  the  record  a  veritable  carica- 
ture.    And  when,  in  addition  to  all  this,  the 


X  IXTROI>UCTION. 

record  is  not  made  upon  the  spot,  time  plays 
strange  tricks  with  the  memory  and  renders 
the  transformation  even  greater.  Such  are  the 
difficulties  of  making  the  fact,  or  that  which 
actually  happened,  agree  with  the  record  of 
the  fact,  or  the  belief-  as  to  what  happened. 
What  actually  happened  is  called  objective 
history;  what  is  believed  to  have  happened 
is  called  subjective  history.  The  aim  of  the 
scientific  historian  is  to  make  the  last  approxi- 
mate as  closely  as  possible  to  the  first.  This 
can  be  done  only  by  a  most  exhaustive  collec- 
tion of  all  the  records  and  remains  relating 
to  the  event  and  a  most  careful  and  critical  ex- 
amination and  interpretation  of  them.  But 
what  specificall}'  are  these  sources?  They  are 
the  records  of  eye  and  ear  witnesses;  of  the 
persons  taking  part  in  the  event  or  present 
when  the  event  took  place;  all  direct  remains 
from  the  event  that  have  come  down  to  us  and 
enable  us  to  form  a  setting  for  the  event.  In 
the  case  of  a  battle,  we  search  for  the  diaries 
and  letters  of  the  combatants;  we  interrogate 
survivors;  we  read  the  dispatches  of  generals 
and  the  reports  of  observers;  we  study  the 
battle-field,  the  arms  and  equipments,  and  the 
resources  of  either  side.  In  short,  all  material 
is  collected  that  can  throw  any  light  upon  the 
event  itself  and  help  us  to  restore  it.  The 
sources  may  be  classified  as  follows: 

I.  Historical  remains. 
A.  In  narrow  sense. 
a.  Remains  of  men. 
h.  Languages. 

c.  Social    conditions:    manners    and    cus- 
toms, festivals,  forms  of  worsliip,  in- 
stitutions, laws,  constitutions. 
(I.  Products  of  human  skill :  utensils,  arms, 
buildings,  coins. 


INTRODUCTION.  XI 

e.  Kecords:   courts,   assemblies,   speeches, 
newspapers,  letters,  tax-rolls,  etc. 
B.  In  broader  sense. 
a.  Monuments. 
h.  Inscriptions. 
II.  Traditions. 

A.  Pictorial:  statutory,  pictures. 

B.  Oral:  stories,  anecdotes,  songs. 

C.  Written:  annals,  chronicles,  biographies. 

While  the  reconstruction  of  a  period  in  his- 
tory must  rest  upon  the  historical  sources  com- 
ing down  to  us,  much  help  in  interpretation  of 
the  sources  is  obtained  from  analogy.  There 
exist  to-day  upon  the  globe  societies  repre- 
senting many  of  the  stages  through  which  our 
civilization  has  passed.  Through  the  study  of 
existing  societies  much  light  is  cast  upon  the 
obscure  places  in  past  development. 

These  sources  then,  the  remains  of  the  event 
itself,  and  the  descriptions  of  it,  are  the  ma- 
terial with  which  the  historian  must  work. 
The  difference  between  the  sources  and  a  nar- 
rative text  must  be  fully  grasped  before  the 
new  method  can  be  understood.  Grote's  His- 
tory of  Greece  is  not  a  source,  but  the  result  of 
Grote's  stud}'^  of  the  sources,  his  attempt  to  re- 
construct the  past  from  the  sources.  The 
value  of  this  reconstruction  is  determined  by 
comparing  it  with  the  sources,  and  the  sources 
of  Greek  history  are  all  the  things  enumerated 
above  under  the  heads  of  Historical  Remains 
and  Traditions.  Where  are  those  sources 
enumerated?  First  of  all  in  bibliographies  de- 
voted to  the  histories  of  particular  countries. 
In  some  of  the  older  bibliogra])hies  no  distinc- 
tion is  made  between  sources  and  modern 
writers,  but  in  the  latest  scientific  works  the 
two  classes  are  kept  separate.  When  a  work 
on  bibliography  is  not  accessible,  the  informa- 


Xii  INTRODUCTION. 

tion  may  be  obtaiued  from  the  foot-notes  of  a 
modern  historical  narrative.  Turn  to  a  vol- 
ume of  Gibbon  or  Macaulay  and  at  the  bottom 
of  each  page  will  be  found  an  enumeration  of 
the  sources  of  information.  From  these  foot- 
notes a  complete  list  of  Gibbon's  or  Macaulay's 
sources  may  be  obtained. 

But  when  the  historian  has  collected  his  ma- 
terial, he  has  only  taken  the  first  step.  The 
material  must  be  tested  and  its  value  deter- 
mined. Upon  the  success  of  this  criticism  of 
the  sources  depends  the  value  of  the  recon- 
struction. What  will  be  its  value  if  it  rests 
upon  worthless  material?  We  must  know  first 
of  all  if  the  material  is  genuine,  that  is,  if  it  is 
what  it  pretends  to  be.  Much  material  that 
the  last  century  accepted  as  genuine  has  been 
rejected  as  false  by  this,  and  often  as  inten- 
tionally false,  or  forged.  The  ''Forged  Decre- 
tals" and  "The  Gift  of  Constantine''  are  but 
two  of  many  examples  that  might  be  cited.  I 
have  not  space  to  enumerate  the  tests  by 
which  evidence  is  tried  to  determine  its  gen- 
uineness. In  spite  of  the  high  degree  of  de- 
velopment attained  in  this  branch  of  historical 
method,  the  results  reached  are  not  always  sat- 
isfactory. The  different  opinions  among 
specialists  touching  the  lately  discovered 
"Athenian  Constitution,"  of  Aristotle,  is  a  not 
uncommon  illustration  of  inability  to  reach 
satisfactory  results. 

If  our  material  has  stood  the  tests  of  genu- 
ineness, we  then  proceed  to  consider  its  rela- 
tion to  the  event.  Suppose,  for  example,  we 
have  a  description  of  the  battle  of  Salamis; 
what  do  we  want  to  know  about  that  account 
in  order  to  determine  its  value?  First  of  all, 
who  wrote  it?  Herodotus.  Who  was  Herod- 
otus?    A  Greek.     Was  he  living^  at  the  time? 


INTRODUCTION.  Xlll 

Probably.  Was  he  present  at  the  battle? 
Probably  not.  Why  not?  The  battle  took 
place  in  480  B.  C.  and  Herodotus  was  born 
about  485  B.  C.  That  would  make  him  about 
five  years  old  at  the  time.  It  is  evident,  then, 
that  Herodotus,  although  he  lived  at  the  time, 
could  not  have  been  present  at  the  battle  and 
must  have  obtained  his  information  from 
others  and  many  years  later.  He  is  not,  then, 
a  source,  but  was  obliged  to  write  his  account 
from  the  sources,  as  a  man  born  in  1860  might 
write  the  history  of  our  Civil  War.  This  con- 
clusion is  both  true  and  false.  There  are  cases 
in  which  a  work  that  was  not  originally  a 
source  might  become  a  source,  namely,  when 
all  the  material  upon  which  that  work  is  based 
has  been  lost.  The  sources  with  which  Herod- 
otus worked  have  disappeared  and  we  cannot 
go  back  of  him.  He  is  practically  our  court  of 
final  appeal.  Having  now  decided  that  the 
account  of  the  battle  of  Salamis  in  Herodotus 
is  the  principal  source  of  information,  shall 
we  proceed  at  once  to  use  it?  That  is,  is  the 
criticism  at  an  end,  and  is  it  time  to  recon- 
struct the  event  from  the  record?  Not  yet. 
We  want  to  know  more  about  this  man  and 
the  conditions  under  which  he  wrote.  What 
had  been  his  education,  what  was  his  position 
in  society,  what  his  special  preparation  for 
writing?  In  a  word,  was  he  able  to  tell  the 
truth?  But  a  man  may  be  able  to  tell  the  truth 
and  not  be  willing  to  do  so.  Herodotus  lived 
in  Asia  Minor.  Was  he  friendly  to  the  Per- 
sians and  hostile  to  the  Greeks?  Was  he  an 
aristocrat?  He  might  be  unfair  to  the  Atheni- 
ans. Was  he  a  democrat?  He  might  be  un- 
just toward  the  Spartans.  How  can  these 
questions  be  answered?  By  a  careful  study  of 
the  work  of  Herodotus,  page  by  page,  and  line 


XIV  INTRODUCTION. 

by  line,  aided  in  the  study  by  opinions  of  men 
lilve  Grote,  Curtis,  and  other  historians  of 
Greece  who  have  covered  the  same  ground. 
The  tests  thus  applied  might  be  summed  up 
under  the  following  heads: 

LOCALIZATION. 

I.  Who  was  the  writer? 
II.  When  was  the  work  written? 

III.  Where  was  it  written? 

VALUE    OF    EVIDENCE. 

IV.  Was  he  able  to  tell  the  truth? 

V.  Was  he  willing  to  tell  the  truth? 

It  is  easily  seen  that  question  V.  is  the  least 
easily  and  satisfactorily  answered.  A  negative 
answer  to  this  question  would  have  the  most 
disastrous  effect.  The  absolute  conviction  on 
the  part  of  the  historian  that  his  witness  was 
not  truthful  would  lead  him  to  reject  the  evi- 
dence. The  reconstruction  of  the  event  might 
have  produced  far  different  results  had  the 
evidence  been  accepted.  It  often  happens  that 
the  different  versions  of  an  event  found  in 
different  historians  is  due  to  the  fact  that  one 
historian  believes  a  certain  witness  honest  and 
the  other  believes  him  dishonest. 

The  work  of  criticism  being  ended,  the  work 
of  reconstruction  begins. 

The  first  step  in  reconstruction  is  the  es- 
tablishment of  the  facts.  The  event  may  be 
described  by  a  single  witness,  by  several  wit- 
nesses that  agree  in  substance,  or  by  several 
witnesses  that  disagree.  In  the  first  case  the 
value  of  the  evidence  will  depend  upon  the 
general  character  of  the  witness  and  the  way 
in  which  his  evidence  harmonizes  with  our 
general  knowledge  of  the  period;  the  second 
case  represents  the  most  satisfactory  kind  of 


INTRODUCTION.  XV 

evidence,  when  the  witnesses  are  independent 
of  one  another.  In  the  last  case,  the  evidence 
of  the  most  reliable  witnesses  must  be  set  over 
against  the  least  reliable,  and  when  they  dis- 
agree the  evidence  of  the  unreliable  witnesses 
is  rejected.  These  are  the  general  principles. 
I  have  not  space  to  point  out  in  what  manner 
they  are  modified  in  the  application. 

Having  established  the  individual  facts,  the 
next  step  is  to  arrange  them.  This  may  be 
done  under  the  heads  of  time  and  place,  that  is, 
we  may  arrange  in  their  order  all  the  events 
that  have  taken  place  in  the  United  States 
(place)  during  the  nineteenth  century  (time), 
or  it  may  be  done  in  accordance  with  the  rela- 
tion of  the  facts  to  some  feature  of  the  history 
of  the  period  studied,  as  the  constitution,  the 
religion,  the  art,  etc.  The  two  methods  may, 
of  course,  be  combined,  that  is,  we  may  ar- 
range the  facts  with  regard  to  religion  in  the 
United  States,  in  the  nineteenth  century.  The 
arrangement  of  the  facts  is  determined  by  the 
object  that  the  historian  has  in  mind  and  is 
nothing  more  than  putting  his  notes  in  order 
that  he  may  see  what  they  mean  as  a  whole, 
and  what  the  development  has  been.  At  first 
sight  it  might  appear  that  the  work  of  recon- 
struction was  now  at  an  end.  But  this  is  far 
from  the  truth. 

The  facts  having  been  established  it  is  neces- 
sary to  determine  what  each  fact  means  (inter- 
pretation) and  what  they  all  mean  when  taken 
together  (combination).  The  interpretation  of 
the  sources  is  divided  into  interpretation  of 
the  remains,  of  the  traditions,  and  interpreta- 
tion of  the  sources  by  one  another.  Suppose 
that  we  have  established  the  fact  that  in  one  of 
the  European  countries  milestones  of  a  certain 
kind  and  the  remains  of  walls  of  a  peculiar 


XVI  INTRODUCTION. 

construction  are  encountered  along"  the  roads. 
Interpretation  justifies  us  in  saying  that  this 
was  once  the  course  of  a  Roman  highway. 
This  is  the  simplest  form  of  interpretation  of 
remains.  More  difficult  problems  in  interpre- 
tation would  be  to  restore  the  coinage  system 
of  a  country  from  the  coins  that  remained,  or 
to  describe  the  condition  of  the  early  Euro- 
pean tribes  from  the  root  words  common  to  all 
the  Aryan  people  on  the  continent.  An  inter- 
pretation of  the  facts  of  tradition  demands  a 
knowledge  of  the  writing  of  the  period  we  are 
studying,  of  the  style  of  the  writer,  of  the  time 
and  place  Avhere  the  record  originated,  and  the 
character  of  the  writer.  All  of  these  things 
have  been  mentioned  under  the  head  of  gen- 
eral criticism;  they  must  be  ajiplied  in  the  in- 
terpretation of  each  fact,  for  if  we  do  not 
understand  all  these  things,  we  shall  fail  to  in- 
terpret the  facts  correctly.  Last  of  all,  we  are 
much  aided  in  the  work  of  reconstruction, 
through  the  interpretation  of  the  sources  by 
one  another.  The  documents  are  often  unin- 
telligible, and  the  contemporary  narrative 
written  by  those  who  have  helped  to  make  the 
documents  tell  us  what  they  mean.  The  Iliad 
and  the  Odyssey  are  used  to  interpret  the  re- 
mains found  in  Greece  and  in  Asia  Minor. 
Having  now  fixed  the  facts  and  interpreted 
them  it  is  necessary  to  combine  these  interpre- 
tations that  we  may  get  a  view  of  the  whole 
subject.  The  combined  result  mu«t  be  lighted 
up  by  phantasy  that  working  upon  the  results 
given  it  by  criticism,  interpretation,  and  com- 
bination endeavors  to  see  the  events  in  the 
form  in  which  they  happened.  It  is  not  with 
the  imagination  playing  freely  that  we  have  to 
do  here,  but  with  the  phantasy  dealing  with 
definite  data,    \yhere  the  phantasy  is  defective 


IXTRODUCTIOX.  XVll 

the  highest  results  are  not  obtained ;  where  the 
imagination  is  uncontrolled,  the  results  are 
unseientifte  and  often  worthless.  Phantasy,  as 
here  used,  means  the  ability  to  restore  the  his- 
torical past  from  definite  data  without  doing 
violence  to  the  data.  But  all  the  difficulties 
of  reproduction  have  not  yet  been  enumerated. 
The  final  conception  of  the  subject  calls  for 
an  understanding  of  the  physical,  psychical, 
and  social  conditions  under  which  the  events 
took  place  and  their  relation  to  other  events. 
For  the  factors  to  be  considered  in  dealing 
with  human  development  are  the  infiuences  of 
nature,  the  psychology  of  the  individual  and 
of  the  masses,  and  the  institutions  under 
which  the  individual  lives.  Geography,  psy- 
chology, and  sociology  are  for  the  student  of 
history,  auxiliary  sciences.  Last  of  all,  in  con- 
sidering the  subject,  treated  in  its  deepest  and 
broadest  meaning,  the  historian  rises  into  the 
realm  of  the  philosophy  of  history. 

Having  thus,  step  by  step,  proceeding  front 
the  most  particular  to  the  most  general, 
formed  a  conception  of  the  past  period  in  ac 
cord  with  the  evidence,  the  historian  commits 
it  to  paper,  supporting  his  narrative  through- 
out by  proof.  His  work  is  done.  He  has 
worked  carefully,  faithfully,  and  honestly,  but 
it  must  not  be  forgotten  that  the  value  of  the 
result  depends  ui)on  the  ability  of  the  his- 
torian and  the  material  at  his  disposal.  If  he 
had  at  his  disposal  all  the  sources  in  existence, 
if  criticisms,  inter])retations,  combinations, 
and  reproductions  were  infallible,  it  would 
never  be  necessary  to  rewrite  the  history  of 
that  period.  Eut  that  is  inconceivable  and  as 
a  consequence  history  is  constantli/  being  rc- 
irritfcn  from  the  sources. 

Such  is  the  way  in  which  historv  is  written. 
2 


XVlll  INTRODUCTION. 

''But  wh}',"  3^ou  ask,  ''has  so  much  space  been 
devoted  to  the  way  in  which  history  is  written? 
I  want  to  know  how  to  study  history  and  how 
to  teach  it."  The  student  of  history  and  the 
teacher  of  history  must  learn  oT  the  writer  of 
history.  His  method  must  be  our  method. 
This  position  is  sound  and  is  in  harmony  with 
the  scientific  spirit  that  characterizes  all  our 
school  work  to-day.  You  may  read  history,  if 
you  will,  but  do  not  imagine  that  you  are 
studying  history,  if  you  are  not  employing  the 
method  of  the  historian  working  directly  with 
the  sources  and  forming  your  own  judgment. 
The  objection  will  be  raised  that  this  might 
do  for  the  specialist  in  history,  but  is  out  of 
place  when  applied  to  all  students  of  history. 
But  this  argument  is  not  logical.  It  is  just  as 
necessary  that  all  students  of  history  should 
do  laboratory  work  in  history  by  going  to  the 
sources,  as  that  all  students  of  botany,  chemis- 
try, and  physics  should  do  laboratory  work  in 
those  lines.  As  I  have  already  said,  the  labo- 
ratory idea  is  more  novel  when  applied  to  his- 
tory than  when  applied  to  some  other  subjects, 
but  it  is  not  less  true  because  it  is  novel.  It 
is  not  the  intention  to  make  historians  of  all 
our  boys  and  girls,  but  rather  to  teach  them  to 
study  what  history  they  do  study  scientific- 
ally. And  it  is  high  time  that  this  work  were 
being  done.  For  if  there  is  any  one  thing  that 
we  need  more  than  another  in  our  political  life, 
it  is  men  who  are  capable  of  determining  what 
are  facts  and  of  telling  what  those  facts  moan. 
In  the  past,  history  has  been  read  and  recited 
in  our  schools  that  our  boys  and  girls  might 
obtain  a  certain  amount  of  information  con- 
cerning their  nation  or  their  race.  May  it  be 
studied  in  the  futui*e  for  the  further  pui'pose 
of  disciplining  their  minds  and  rendering  them 


INTRODUCTION.  XIX 

capable  of  forming  sound,  independent  judg- 
ments upon  the  sources  or  the  raw  materials 
of  history!  To  such  a  mind  the  opinion  of  an- 
other is  of  value  only  as  far  as  it  rests  upon 
evidence  that  stands  unscathed  the  test  of  the 
severest  criticism. 

Having  considered  the  way  in  which  history 
is  written,  it  is  now  in  order  to  point  out  its 
application  in  teaching.  The  success  of  the 
application  in  the  schoolroom  will  depend 
upon  the  extent  to  which  the  teacher  is  filled 
with  the  spirit  of  historical  research.  To  ac- 
quire a  fair  share  of  this  spirit,  genius  is  not 
necessary-,  but  simply  a  desire  to  know  the 
truth  and  a  willingness  to  search  patiently  for 
it.  I  shall  assume,  then,  that  the  teacher  pos- 
sesses some  of  the  spirit  that  she  wishes  to 
impart  to  her  pupils,  and  that  she  is  endeavor- 
ing to  develop  more  of  that  spirit  in  herself. 

It  might  be  possible  to  deal  with  the  appli- 
cation of  the  method  to  all  the  grades,  from 
the  primary  to  the  graduate  courses  in  the 
university,  but  that  would  be  too  comprehen- 
sive and  would  pass  beyond  the  scope  of  this 
chapter.  It  is  not  the  intention  to  describe  an 
ideal  state  of  things,  but  to  take  the  teaching 
of  historj'  as  it  exists  and  to  show  how  it  may 
be  improved.  We  shall  consider,  then,  how  the 
study  of  the  sources  may  be  made  practical  for 
the  high  schools,  and  how  by  devoting  no  more 
time  to  the  teaching  of  the  subject  than  is 
now  given,  better  results  may  be  obtained. 

The  source  work  cannot  be  done  v/ithout  a 
collection  of  sources  any  more  than  botany 
can  be  studied  without  plants.  But  by  a  col- 
lection of  sources  I  do  not  mean  a  library;  I 
mean  a  book  made  up  of  extracts  from  the 
sources  and  ])liotographs  of  the  historical  re- 
mains.   This  book  must  be  i)laced  in  the  hands 


XX  INTRODUCTION. 

of  the  pupil.  I  have  talked  with  teachers  who 
told  me  that  they  were  "using  the  new 
method,"  and  I  have  discovered  that  there  was 
but  one  copy  of  a  book  of  sources  in  the  school- 
room, and  that  was  on  the  teacher's  desk. 
They  believed  that  they  were  using  the  new 
method,  but  I  fear  that  they  did  not  know 
what  the  new  method  is. 

The  book  of  sources  is  not  a  narrative  like 
the  ordinary  school  history.  It  does  not  read 
smoothly.  "It  seems  to  be  disconnected,"  as 
one  puzzled  teacher  put  it.  She  was  right.  It 
is  disconnected,  and  it  is  the  duty  of  the  pupil 
under  the  guidance  of  the  teacher  to  connect 
it.  Out  of  the  i^hotographs  of  ruins,  of  ttmi- 
ples,  of  statuary,  of  remains  of  every  kind,  out 
of  the  extracts  from  documents,  diaries,  con- 
temporary narratives,  newspapers,  etc.,  this 
brick  and  lumber  and  mortar  of  history — 
teacher  and  pupil  are  to  do  on  a  small  scale 
what  the  historian  does  upon  a  large  scale — 
reconstruct  the  past. 

The  narrative  school  history  —  Myers, 
Barnes,  or  Swinton — can  never  take  the  place 
of  the  book  of  sources,  nor  can  the  book  of 
sources  take  the  place  of  the  narrative.  The 
'pib.pils  should  use  both.  If  they  can  have  hut  one, 
it  should  he  the  hook  of  sources,  supplemented  hi/ 
a  condensed  statement  of  conuecfnuj  facts.  The 
narrative  text  and  the  book  of  sources  sup- 
plement one  another.  The  book  of  sources  con- 
tains the  material  to  he  u-oi-kcd  up  into  a  nar- 
rative; the  other  book  contains  the  material  that 
has  heen  worked  up  into  a  narrative.  This  com- 
parison of  the  book  of  sources  with  a  good 
nai-i-ative  text  should  be  continued  until  Iheir 
relation  is  nndei'stood.  The  books  ai'e  not  oj)- 
])osed  to  one  another,  but  tlicy  are  not  the  same 
thiiif/  and  one  cannot  do  the  work  of  ihe  other. 


INTRODUCTION.  XXI 

The  source  extracts  that  fonow  may  be  used 
in    various    ways.      They    may    be    employed 
simply  as   supplementary  reading  in  connec- 
tion  with  a   narrative  history;  they  may  be 
used  to  supplement  a  book  made  up  partly  of 
sources — like  the  Sheldon-Barnes  histories, — ■ 
not   all   of  the  questions   being  answered,   or 
each  study  may  be  worked  over  thoroughly  in 
accordance  with  the  directions  that  follow.    In 
that  case,  one  or  two  hours  a  week  would  be 
devoted  to  the  topic  until  the  study  upon  it 
was  complete.     This  is  one  of  the  most  con- 
servative  ways  of  introducing  source  study. 
The  remaining  hours  of  the  week  could  be  de- 
voted to  the  continuous  study  of  some  portion 
of  European  History.    This  book  of  source  ex- 
tracts   should    not    be    confounded    with    the 
books,  sometimes  called  source  books,  that  con- 
tain source  extracts  plus,  a  condensed  state- 
ment of  connecting  facts.     Such  a  book  may 
furnish  material  enough  for  a  connected  study 
of  European  History;  the  extracts  in  this  book 
do  not. 

The  work  begins  by  an  examination  of  the 
book  of  extracts  that  the  pupil  may  under- 
stand what  they  are  and  what  he  is  to  do 
with  them.  The  method  of  work  should  then 
be  explained  and  for  the  morrow's  lesson  a 
number  of  questions  upon  the  first  extract  as- 
signed for  preparation.  The  mistake  of  requir- 
ing too  much  work  at  the  outset  should  not  be 
made.  Many  of  the  questions  look  simple 
to  the  teacher;  they  may  not  appear  so  simple 
to  the  pupil.  Moreover,  if  the  teacher  be  a 
bright  woman,  she  will  not  limit  herself,  in  the 
class  discussion,  to  these  questions,  but  will 
add  others  suggested  by  her  own  study. 

Before  the  pupils  come  into  the  class,  they 
must  prepare  their  lesson.     This  lesson  con- 


XXll  INTRODUCTION, 

sists  in  answering  a  number  of  questions,  or, 
in  otlier  words,  solving  a  number  of  problems. 
This  is  the  rock  upon  which  a  large  majority 
of  the  teachers  have  been  wrecked.  They  did 
not  insist  upon  the  preparation  and  the  work 
was  not  done.  Each  question  must '  be  an- 
swered fully,  the  answers  written  neatly  in  a 
note-book  and  brought  into  the  class  in  that 
form.  This  should  represent  the  independent 
thought  of  the  pupil  and  should  enable  one  to 
gauge  his  ability.  An  answer  that  does  not 
carry  its  proof  with  it  should  not  be  accepted. 
"Yes"  and  "No"  are  not  complete  answers; 
they  are  simply  theorems  to  be  demonstrated. 
"Why  did  you  answer  'yes'?"  is  the  question 
to  be  put  at  once,  and  the  pupil  must  under- 
stand that  his  work  is  not  finished  until  he 
has  proved  his  point  by  evidence  taken  from  his 
source-hook.  This  reasoning  must  all  appear,  in 
the  answer  contained  in  the  note-book. 

When  the  class  meets  each  pupil  has  before 
him,  open  on  the  desk,  his  note-book  with  an- 
swers and  his  source-book.  This  exercise  is 
not  to  be  a  test  of  memory.  The  teacher 
should  not  waste  the  recitation  hour  in  trying 
to  discover  how  many  facts  have  lodged  in  the 
brain  of  this  boy  or  of  that  girl.  Let  the 
teacher  read  the  first  question  and  call  for  an 
answer.  She  should  be  sure  the  answer  is  read. 
Boys  and  girls  have  an  innate  objection  to  do- 
ing things  in  the  right  way.  She  told  them  to 
write  the  answers  out,  but  some  of  them  did 
not  think  she  meant  it.  She  must  convince 
them  that  they  are  unprepared  if  they  come 
to  class  without  the  written  answer.  The  an- 
swer read,  she  proceeds  to  criticise  it.  First 
of  all,  has  any  evidence  been  omitted?  Let 
other  members  of  the  class  supply  it.  Is  the 
reasoning  incorrect?    She  forces  the  pupil  to 


INTRODUCTION.  XXIH 

defend  his  answer  with  the  evidence  before 
him  and  follows  him  from  point  to  point  until 
he  sees  that  it  cannot  be  defended.  When  his 
conclusions  are  wrong,  she  does  not  tell  him  so 
at  once  and  give  him  the  right  answer,  but  lets 
him  see  that  he  has  not  proved  his  point.  It 
may  be  through  lack  of  evidence;  it  may  be 
from  a  false  interpretation  or  combination. 
The  whole  discussion  plays  around  this  pupil's 
answer,  and  the  rest  of  the  class  is  drawn  into 
it.  The  pupils  having  more  evidence  and  other 
conclusions  contribute  them.  While  this  dis- 
cussion is  going  on,  every  member  of  the  class 
follows  closely  and  takes  down  in  his  note-book 
every  bit  of  evidence  that  he  had  overlooked 
and  every  interpretation  or  combination  that 
he  had  not  noticed  in  writing  his  answers.  At 
the  close  of  the  hour  each  pupil  goes  away 
knowing  more  about  the  subject  than  when  he 
came.  He  carried  in  his  own  work;  in  the 
class  room  he  added  the  ideas  of  the  teacher 
and  of  fellow  pupils.  The  class  notes,  as  proof 
of  attention,  must  be  insisted  upon  and  kept 
distinct  from  the  original  answers. 

The  work  goes  on  in  this  manner  until  all 
the  questions  on  the  topic  have  been  answered 
and  discussed.  Many  teachers  have  thought 
that  the  work  stopped  here,  but  if  the  method 
of  the  historian  is  to  be  our  model,  that  cannot 
be  true.  We  must  arrange  and  classify  our 
results  and  see  how  they  look  as  a  whole.  The 
results  to  be  arranged  are  the  answers  and 
class  notes.  Let  this  be  explained  to  the 
pupils  and  let  it  be  pointed  out  that  their  work 
on  the  topic  will  be  finished  only  when  the 
judgments  they  have  formed  are  arranged  in 
the  shape  of  a  narrative.  They  should  be  told 
that  they  are  writing  history.  It  may  not  be 
very  valuable  history  for  the  world  at  large, 


XXIV  INTRODUCTION. 

but  it  may  be  very  valuable  for  them.  Their 
conclusions  may  be  very  weak,  but  it  is  only 
through  the  exercise  of  the  judgment  that  they 
learn  to  draw  sound  conclusions.  They  are  to 
analyze  their  results  and  this  analysis  is  to  be 
given  the  form  of  an  outline.  If  they  do  not 
know  how  to  make  an  outline,  time  should  be 
taken  to  teach  them.  The  material  should  not 
be  arranged  for  them,  but  an  outline  of  some 
subject  should  be  uj^on  the  board  showing 
them  how  to  make  heads  and  sub-heads.  Then 
they  should  be  allowed  to  try  their  hands  on 
their  own  material. 

These  outlines — or  some  of  them — should 
be  placed  on  the  board  before  the  recitation 
and  criticised  during  the  recitation.  The  at- 
tempt should  not  be  made  to  run  them  all  in 
one  mould,  but  the  pupils  should  know  what 
they  are  about  and  be  able  to  give  reasons  for 
their  divisions  and  subdivisions.  Above  all, 
no  points  should  appear  in  the  outline  that 
cannot  be  supported  by  evidence.  It  is  true 
that — as  a  student  once  remarked — "a  man  has 
a  right  to  his  opinion,""  but  it  is  equally  true 
that  in  history  that  opinion  is  of  no  value  un- 
less it  rests  on  evidence. 

The  last  step  consists  in  composing  a  short 
narrative,  based  upon  and  following  the  out- 
line closely.  Portions  of  these  narratives 
should  be  read  and  criticised,  and  some  especi- 
ally good  narrative  read  in  its  entiretly  in  the 
class.  Here,  as  elsewhere,  the  teacher  should 
watch  closely  for  unsound  general  statements, 
for  inexact  and  incomplete  statements.  Any 
and  all  of  these  things  indicate  that  the  pupil 
is  not  woi'king  with  his  eye  on  the  evidence. 
The  reading  of  the  narrative  completes  the 
study  on  that  topic,  and  the  same  operation  is 
repeated  with  the  next  topic. 


IXTKODUUTION.  XXV 

As  the  pupil  goes  from  topic  to  topic  and 
handles  one  bit  of  evidence  after  another,  the 
teacher  should  let  slip  no  opportunity  of  ac-, 
(luaintinii  him  with  the  i)rinci])les  of  the  his- 
toric method  in  their  simplest  forms.  By  the 
use  of  many  simple  illustrations,  and  by  fre- 
quent reiteration,  the  boy  or  girl  is  led  to  see 
something  of  the  value  of  the  study  of  the  life 
of  humanity  and  to  understand  something 
about  his  relation  to  it.  He  may  learn,  little 
by  little,  that  the  restoration  of  the  past  must 
rest  upon  evidence,  and  after  he  has  made  an 
intelligent  study  of  a  period,  he  should  be  able 
to  enumerate  the  evidence  used.  In  connection 
with  his  American  history  he  might  even  be  al- 
lowed to  collect  evidence  and  to  learn  some- 
thing of  its  value.  Pupils  may  be  sent  to  old 
residents  to  gather  information  touching  the 
history  of  the 'town,  state,  or  nation.  They 
may  be  asked  to  make  a  list  of  the  sources  that 
would  be  used  in  writing  a  history  of  the  town. 
This  list  should  be  based  upon  their  personal 
research.  Of  course,  with  young  pupils  the 
matter  of  criticism  cannot  be  cai'ried  far.  but 
they  can  learn  that  an  eye  and  ear  witness  is 
the  best  kind  of  a  witness.  The  boy  who  went 
to  the  circus  is  listened  to  in  preference  to  the 
boy  who  did  not  go,  buf  has  heard  about  it. 
They  can  understand  why  we  should  go  to  the 
diary  of  Columbus  if  we  want  to  know  what 
hai)i)ened  on  his  voyage  to  America.  They  can 
even  undersland  why  the  evidence  of  one  wit- 
ness is  better  than  that  of  another.  They 
know  that  if  their  father  belongs  to  one  politi- 
cal jiarty  he  does  not  believe  what  the  pai)ers 
of  the  other  jiarty  say.  It  would  also  be  an 
easy  matter  to  show  how  difficult  it  is  to  learn 
the  whole  truth  about  an  event.  They  may 
write  indejtendent  accounts  of  something  that 


XXVi  INTRODUCTION. 

has  recently  taken  place  in  the  city  or  town, 
and  of  which  they  have  personal  knowledge. 
The  accounts  should  be  as  careful  and  detailed 
as  possible.  Let  them  compare  the  accounts, 
noting  the  different  points  of  view  and  at- 
tempting to  reconcile  them,  thus  establishing 
the  matter  of  fact.  In  this  way  in  the  work  in 
United  States  or  general  history  a  thousand 
opportunities  will  occur  to  familiarize  the 
pupils  with  the  principles  of  the  historical 
method.  There  should  be  but  little  generaliza- 
tion at  the  outset;  the  generalizations  should 
develop  naturally  from  the  specific  cases. 

It  should  be  said  by  way  of  anticipation, 
that  the  teacher  should  not  feel  discouraged  if 
she  does  not  get  on  rapidl}'  at  first.  Let  her 
have  patience  and  persevere;  let  her  remember 
that  the  principles  of  historical  criticism  are 
but  the  rules  of  common  sense  employed  in 
every  day  life,  and  she  will  soon  see  light. 

The  success  of  the  work  will  depend,  to  a 
large  extent,  upon  the  control  of  the  note-book. 
I  have  found  that  the  most  satisfactory  book 
is  one  with  a  separable  cover.  The  leaves  are 
tied  in  as  fast  as  needed.  Covers  and  paper 
may  be  obtained  at  a  very  small  cost.  The 
material  should  be  arranged  in  the  book  in 
an  orderly  manner.  My  system  has  been  to 
follow  this  order:  Answers,  Class  Notes,  Out- 
lines, Narratives.  A  heading  on  each  sheet 
indicated  the  topic  to  which  the  answers  be- 
longed and  all  the  answers  were  numbered. 
Sheets  of  brown  cardboard  separated  the  An- 
swers from  the  Class  notes,  the  Class  notes 
from  the  Outlines,  etc.  The  object  of  all  this 
system  was  to  render  the  examination  of  the 
books  easy.  For  they  must  be  examined  at 
fixed  intervals  and  a  record  kept  of  their  con- 
dition.   The  work  will  not  succeed  unless  the 


INTRODUCTION.  XXVll 

pupil  does  his  duly  and  the  condition  of  his 
book  is  an  excellent  test  of  how  he  is  doing  it. 
The  record  for  each  pupil  may  be  kept  upon  a 
separate  sheet,  with  the  following  columns, 
running  from  left  to  right:  Due  (when  the 
book  was  due  and  when  handed  in).  Answers 
(how  many,  quantity,  and  quality),  Class  notes 
(quantity  and  quality),  Outline,  Narrative,  Oral 
Discussion  (part  taken  by  the  pupil  in  class 
discussion).  At  the  end  of  the  term  the  card 
will  give  a  good  idea  of  what  the  pupil  has 
done.  There  was  one  other  column  headed 
"Time"  and  in  it  was  noted  the  number  of 
hours  given  to  the  preparation  of  lessons.  It 
was  taken  from  the  student's  "time  card,"  kept 
in  the  back  of  his  note-book.  This  "time  card'' 
was  of  the  size  of  the  notebook  and  was 
ruled  with  columns  at  the  left  for  the  date,  in 
tha  center  for  a  statement  of  the  work  done 
(writing  answers,  making  outlines,  etc.),  and  at 
the  right  for  the  hours  or  minutes  given  to  the 
work.  The  keeping  of  this  card  is  a  valuable 
piece  of  work  in  itself.  Such  are  the  general 
suggestions  touching  the  work.  Others  will 
be  made  from  time  to  time  throughout  the 
year. 

The  following  works  contain  about  every- 
thing that  exists  on  method  in  the  English 
language.  They  have  to  do  more  with  the 
question  of  how  to  study  history  than  how  to 
teach  it,  but  I  have  tried  to  show  that  .the 
teacher  must  know  how  to  study  history  before 
she  can  teach  it.  These  are  books  that  every 
teacher  of  history,  who  is  not  a  teacher  simply 
for  a  year  and  a  day,  should  possess.  They 
should  form  the  beginning  of  a  professional 
library.  Study  them,  meditate  upon  them,  and 
apply  their  teachings.  Go  to  them  again  and 
again,  until  you  have  mastered  them  and  are 
ready  for  something  better: 


XXVlll  INTRODUCTION. 

Freeman,  E.  A.,  Methods  of  Historical 
Stud}',  London,  1886;  Drojsen,  J.  G.,  Princi- 
ples of  History,  Boston,  1893;  Hall,  G.  S., 
'Methods  of  Teaching  History,  Boston,  1889; 
Andrews,  E.  B.,  Brief  Institutes  of  General 
History,  Boston,  1890;  Arnold,  T.,  Modern 
Histor}',  Xew  York,  1895;  Acton,  Lord,  The 
Study  of  History,  London,  1896;  Stubbs,  W., 
Medieval  and  Modern  History,  Oxford,  1887; 
Barnes,  M.  S.,  Studies  in  Historical  Method, 
Boston,  1896;  Hinsdale,  B.  A.,  How  to  Study 
and  Teach  History,  N.  Y.,  1895;  Langiois,  Ch. 
v.,  and  Seignobos,  Ch.:  Introduction  to  the 
Study  of  History,  N.  Y.,  1898;  Fling,  F.  M., 
Outline  of  Historical  Method,  Lincoln,  1899. 


THE  HOMERIC  AGE. 


(1) 


CHAPTER  I. 


THE  HOMERIC  AGE. 

OMER  probably  never  lived,  and  the  Iliad 
is  evidently  a  national  product,  not  com- 
posed by  one  man  at  one  time,  but  by 
many  men  at  different  times.  As  a  record  of 
the  Trojan  War,  the  poem  has  practically  no 
value.  Its  real  value  to  the  student  of  history 
is  due  to  the  fact  that  it  unconsciously  reveals 
to  us  the  manners  and  customs  of  the  age  in 
which  it  was  composed.  While  the  imagina- 
tion may  construct  wholes  that  are  not  real, 
the  real  elements  with  which  the  poet  or 
novelist  works  are  drawn  from  experience.  It 
is  possible,  then,  for  the  historian  to  sift  out 
these  elements  and  make  use  of  them.  The 
procedure  is  psychologically  sound,  and  its 
value  may  be  easily  tested.  While  none  of  the 
events  of  Mr.  Howell's  novels,  for  example,  are 
necessarily  true,  the  historian  could  draw  from 
many  of  them  true  descriptions  of  the  life  of 
New  England  in  the  nineteenth  century. 

What  is  true  of  the  literature  of  this  cen- 
tury is  even  truer  of  the  literature  of  past  cen- 
turies. The  old  bards  could  not  construct 
their  imaginary  pictures  of  the  earlier  society 
without  making  use  of  the  elements  found  in 
the  society  of  which  they  themselves  formed  a 
part. 

I.  The  Homeric  Age. 

Lang,  Leaf,  Myers:    The  Iliad  of  Homer. 
Macmillan  &€o..  New  York,  1889. 
A.  Government. 

The  folk  began  to  perisb,  because  Atreides  bad  done  dis- 
honor  to  Chryses,   the  priest.     For  be   bad   come    to   ihe 
(2) 


f 


THE    HOMERIC    AGE.  6 

Achaians'  fleet  ships  to  win  his  daughter's  freedom,  and 
brought  a  ranson  beyond  telling ;  .  .  .  and  made  his 
prayer  unto  all  the  Achaians  and  most  of  all  to  the  two  sons 
of  Atreus,  orderers  of  the  host :  "  Xe  sons  of  Atreus  and  all 
ye  well-grieved  Achaians,  now  may  the  Gods  that  dwell  in 
the  mansions  of  Olympus  grant  you  to  lay  waste  the  city  of 
Priam  and  to  fare  happily  homeward  ;  only  set  ye  my  dear 
child  free,  and  accept  the  ransom."  .  .  .  Then  all  the  other 
Achaians  cried  assent  to  reverence  the  priest  and  accepted 
his  goodly  ransom  ;  yet  the  thing  pleased  not  the  heart  of  '  ^' 
Agamemnon,  son  of  Atreus,  but  he  roughly  sent  him  away. 
(Pages  1,  2.) 

"Nor  do  thou,  son  of  Peleus,  think  to  strive  with  a  king, 
m'ght  against  might:  seeing  that  no  common  honor  pertain- 
eth  to  a  sceptered  king,  to  whom  Zeus  apportioneth  glory.    •"     ^ 
Though   thou   be   strong     .      .      .      yet   his   is   the   greater  , 
place,  for  he  is  king  over  more."  (Page  10.)     Then  woke  he  J 
(Agamemnon)  from  sleep,   and  the  heavenly  voice   was   in 
his  ears.     So  he  rose  up  sitting,  and  donned  his  soft  tunic, 
fair  and  bright,  and  cast  around  him  his  great   cloak,  and 
beneath  his  glistering  feet  he  bound  his  fair  sandals,  and 
over  his  shoulder  cast  his  silver  studded  sword,  and  grasped 
his  sire's  sceptre,  imperishaljle   forever,  wherewith  he  took 
his  way  amid  the  mail-clad  Achaians'  ships.     (Page  22.) 

Now   went   the   goddess.   Dawn,   to   high  Olympus,   fore- 
telling daylight  to  Zeus  and  all  the  immortals  ;  and  the  king       , 
bad  the  clear  voiced  heralds  summon  to  the  assembly  the 
flowing  haired  Achaians.     So  did  those  summon  and  these 
gathered  with  speed. 

But  first  the  counci]  of  the  great  hearted  elders  met  be-  i 
side  the  ship  of  King  Nestor  the  Pylos-born.  And  he  that 
had  assembled  them  framed  his  cunning  council  :  "  Hearken, 
my  friends.  A  dream  from  heaven  came  to  me  in  my  sleep 
through  the  ambrosial  night.  ...  So  spake  the  dream 
and  was  flown  away,  and  sweet  sleep  left  me.  So  come,  let 
us  now  call  to  arms  as  we  may  the  sons  of  the  Achaians. 
But  first  I  will  speak  to  make  trial  of  them  as  is  fitting,  and 
will  bid  them  flee  with  their  benched  ships ;  only  do  ye  froiY! 
this  side  and  from  that  .seek  to  hold  them  back." 

So  spake  he  and  sat  him  down  ;  and  there  stood  up  among 
them  Nestor  who  was  king  of  sandy  Pylos.     He  of  good  in- 
tent made  harangue  to  them.     ...     So  spake  he  and  led^ 
the  way  forth  from  the  council  and  all  the  other  sceptered '^  J* 
chiefs  rose  with  him  and  obeyed  the  shepherd  of  the  host  -J 
and  the  people  hastened  to  them.     .     .     .     From  ships  and 


4  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

huts,  before  tlie  low  beach,  marched  forth  their  many  tribes 
and  companies  to  the  place  of  assembly.  .  .  .  And  the 
place  of  assembly  was  in  an  uproar,  and  the  earth  echoed 
again  as  the  hosts  sat  them  down,  and  there  was  turmoil. 
"^  Nine  heralds  restrained  them  with  shouting,  if  perchance 
tliey  might  refrain  from  clamor  and  harken  to  their  liings. 
And  hardly  at  the  last  would  the  people  sit  and  keep  them 
to  their  benches  and  cease  from  noise.  Then  stood  up  Lord 
Agamemnon,  bearing  his  scepter.  .  .  .  Thereon  he 
leaned  and  spake  his  saying  to  the  Argives.     (Pages  22-24.) 

So  said  she,  and  he  knew  the  voice  of  the  goddess  speak- 
ing to  him  and  set  him  to  run,  and  cast  away  his  mantle  the 
which  his  herald  gathered  up  .  .  .  that  waited  on  him. 
And  himself  he  went  to  meet  Agamemnon,  son  of  Atreus, 
and  at  his  hand  received  the  septre  of  his  sires,  imperishable 
forever,  wherewith  he  took  his  way  amid  the  ships  of  the 
mail-clad  Achaians. 

Whenever  he  found  one  that  was  a  captain  and  a  man  of 
mark,  he  stood  by  his  side,  and  refrained  him  with  gentle 
words:  "Good  sir,  it  is  not  seemly  to  affright  thee  like  a 
coward,  but  do  thou  sit  thj'self,  and  make  all  thy  folk  sit 
down.  For  thou  knowest  not  yet  clearly  what  is  the  jjurpose 
of  Atreus'  son.  .  .  .  And  we  heard  not  all  of  us  what 
he  spake  in  the  council.  Beware  lest  in  his  anger  he  evilly 
entreat  the  sons  of  the  Achaians."  .  .  .  But  whatever 
man  of  the  peopl*  he  saw  and  found  him  shouting,  him  he 
drave  with  his  sceptre  and  chode  with  loud  words:  "Good 
sir,  sit  still,  and  harken  to  the  words  of  others  that  are  thy 
betters  ;  but  thou  art  no  warrior  and  a  weakling,  never  reck- 
oned whether  in  battle  or  in  council.  In  no  wise  can  we 
Achaians  all  be  kings  here.  A  multitude  of  masters  is  no 
good  thing  ;  let  there  be  one  master,  one  king,  to  whom  the 
son  of  crooked  counseling  Cronos  had  granted  it,  even  the 
sceptre  and  the  judgments  that  he  may  rule  among  j'ou." 
(Page  27.) 

Now  all  the  rest  sat  down  and  kept  their  place  upon  the 
benches.  Only  Thersites  still  chattered  on,  the  uncontrolled 
of  speech,  whose  mind  was  full  of  words,  many  and  disord- 
erly, wherewith  to  strive  against  the  chiefs  idly  and  in  no 
good  order,  but  even  as  he  deemed  that  he  should  make  the 
Argives  laugh.  And  he  was  ill  favored  beyond  all  men  that 
came  to  Ilios.  Bandy-legged  was  he  and  lame  of  one  foot, 
and  his  two  shoulders  rounded,  arched  down  upon  his  chest ; 
and  over  them  his  head  was  warped  and  a  scanty  stubble 


THE    HOMERIC    AGE.  O 

sprouted  on  it.  Hateful  was  he  to  Achilles  above  all  and  to 
Odysseus,  for  them  he  was  wont  to  revile.  But  now  with 
shrill  shout  he  poured  forth  his  upbraidings  upon  goodly 
Agame;nnon.  ...  So  spake  Thersites,  reviling  Aga- 
memnon, shepherd  of  the  host,  but  goodly  Odysseus  came 
straight  to  his  side,  and  looking  sternly  at  him  with  hard 
words  rebuked  him:  "Thersites,  reckless  in  words,  shrill 
orator  though  thou  art,  refrain  thyself,  nor  aim  to  strive 
singly  against  kings.  .  .  .  But  I  will  tell  thee  plain, 
and  that  I  say  shall  even  be  brought  to  pass  ;  if  I  find  thee 
again  raving  as  now  thou  art,  then  may  Odysseus'  head  no 
longer  abide  upon  his  shoulders,  ...  if  I  take  thee 
not  and  strip  from  thee  thy  garments,  thy  mantle  and  tunic 
that  cover  thy  nakedness,  and  for  thyself  send  thee  weeping 
to  the  fleet  ships,  and  beat  thee  out  of  the  assembly  with 
shameful  blows." 

So  spake  he,  and  with  his  staff  smote  his  back  and  shoul- 
ders:  and  he  bowed  down  and  a  big  tear  fell  from  him,  and 
a  bloody  weal  stood  up  from  his  back  beneath  the  golden 
sceptre. 

Then  he  sat  down  and  was  amazed,  and  in  pain  with  help- 
less look  wiped  away  the  tear.  But  the  rest,  though  they 
were  sorry,  laughed  lightly  at  him,  and  thus  would  one  speak, 
looking  at  another  standing  by:  "Go  to,  of  a  truth  Odys- 
seus hath  wrought  good  deeds  without  number  ere  now  .  . 
but  now  is  this  thing  the  best  by  far.  .  .  .  Never  again, 
forsooth,  will  his  proud  soul  henceforth  bid  him  revile  the 
kings  with  slanderous  words."  So  said  the  common  sort. 
(Pages  28,  29.)  _, 

1.  How  many  parts  in  the  Homeric  government?  2.  What 
were  they  called?  3.  Which  part  had  the  most  power?  4. 
What  would  you  call  such  a  government?  5.  How  did  the 
chief  ruler  evidently  obtain  olHce?  6.  Did  he  have  any  in- 
signia of  office?  7.  Was  he  distinguished  outwardly  from 
other  men?  (See  I. — C.)  8.  What  officers  assisted  the 
ruler?  9.  Did  he  live  in  an  ostentatious  manner?  10. 
Enumerate  all  his  duties.  11.  Who  advised  the  chief  ruler? 
12.  Was  he  obliged  to  accept  this  advice?  13.  How  did  he 
nuike  known  his  wishes  to  the  people?  14.  Were  the  peo- 
ple obliged  to  obey?  15.  How  could  the  ruler  enforce  his 
wishes?  16.  Was  he  always  successful?  17.  By  what  right 
did  he  rule?  18.  How  was  the  second  part  of  tlio  govern- 
ment composed?  19.  Who  called  it  together?  20.  What 
was  done  in  it?  21.  How  was  the  session  clo.sed?  22. 
What  was  the  use  of  such  a  body?  23.  What  was  the  third 
part  of  the  government?    24.  How  was  it  composed?    25. 


6  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

How  was  it  called  together?  26.  Who  presided  over  it? 
27.  Why  was  it  called  together?  28.  Who  had  a  right  to 
speak  in  this  gathering?  29.  Should  you  say  that  the  peo- 
ple enjoyed  "freedom  of  speech"?  30.  Were  all  on  an 
equality?  31.  What  would  you  say  of  the  treatni^nt  of 
Thersites?  82.  What  did  the  people  think  of  it?  33.  De- 
scribe an  assembly,  beginning  with  the  summons.  34.  Make 
an  outline  and  write  a  narrative  on  the  Government  of  the 
Homeric  Age,  citing  the  evidence  for  statements. 

B.     Religion, 

Now  when  the  twelfth  >norn  thereafter  was  come,  then  the 
gods  that  are  forever  fared  to  Olympus  all  in  company,  led 
of  Zeus.  And  Thetis  forgat  not  her  son's  charge,  but  rose 
up  from  the  sea  wave,  and  at  early  morn  mounted  up  to 
great  heaven  and  Olympus.  There  found  she  Kronos's  son 
of  the  far  sounding  voice  sitting  apart  from  all  on  the  top- 
most peak  of  many-ridged  Olympus.  So  she  sat  before  his 
face  and  with  her  left  hand  clasped  his  knees,  and  with  her 
right  touched  him  beneath  his  chin,  and  spake  in  prayer  to 
king  Zeus,  son  of  Kronos.  ...  So  spake  she :  but 
Zeus,  the  cloud-gatherer  said  no  word  to  her,  and  sat  long 
time  in  silence.  But  even  as  Thetis  had  clasped  his  knees, 
80  held  she  by  him  clinging  and  questioned  him  yet  a  second 
time:  "Promise  me  now  this  thing  verily  and  bow  thy  head 
thereto;  or  else  deny  me,  seeing  there  is  naught  for  thee  to 
fear ;  that  I  may  know  full  well  how  I,  among  all  gods,  am 
least  in  honor." 

Then  Zeus,  the  cloud-gatherer  sore  troubled  spake  to  her  : 
"Verily  it  is  a  sorry  matter,  if  thou  wilt  set  me  at  variance 
wjtli  Hera,  whene'er  she  provoketh  me  with  taunting  words. 
.  But  do  thou  now  depart  again,  lest  Hera  mark 
aught ;  and  I  will  take  thought  for  these  things  to  fulfill 
them.  Come  now,  I  will  bow  my  head  to  thee  that  thou 
mayest  be  of  good  courage  ;  for  that  of  my  part  is  the  surest 
token  amid  the  immortals  ;  no  word  of  mine  is  revocable 
nor  false  nor  unfulfilled  when  the  bowing  of  my  head  hath 
pledged  it." 

Kronion  spake  and  nodded  his  dark  brow,  and  the  am- 
brosial locks  waved  from  the  king's  immortal  head  ;  and  he 
made  great  Olympus  quake. 

Thus  the  twain  took  counsel  and  parted  ;  she  leaped  there- 
with into  the  deep  sea  from  glittering  Olympus  and  Zeus 
fared  to  his  own  palace.  All  the  gods  in  company  arose 
from  their  seats  before  their  father's  face  ;  neither  ventured 
any  to  await  his  coming  but  they  stood  up  all  before  him. 
So  he  sat  him  there  upon  his  throne  ;  but  Hera  saw  and  was 


THE    HOMERIC    AGE.  7 

not  ignorant  how  the  daughter  of  the  ancient  of  the  sea, 
Thetis,  the  silver-footed,  had  devised  counsel  with  him. 

Anon  with  taunting  words  spake  she  to  Zeus,  the  son  of 
Kronos  :  "Now  who  among  the  gods,  thou  crafty  of  mind, 
hath  devised  counsel  with  thee  ?  It  is  ever  thy  good  pleasure 
to  hold  aloof  from  me  and  in  secret  meditation  to  give  thy 
judgments,  nor  of  thine  own  good  will  hast  thou  ever  brought 
thyself  to  declare  unto  me  the  thing  thou  purposest."  .  . 
To  her  made  answer  Zeus,  the  cloud-gatherer:  "Lady,  ever 
art  thou  imagining  nor  can  I  escape  thee  ;  yet  shalt  thou  ia 
no  wise  have  power  to  fulfil  but  wilt  be  the  further  from  my 
heart.  * .  .  •  Abide  thou  in  silence  and  harken  to  my 
bidding,  lest  all  the  gods  that  are  in  Olympus  keep  not  off 
from  thee  my  visitation,  when  I  put  forth  my  hands  unap- 
proachable against  thee." 

He  said  and  Hera  the  ox-eyed  queen  was  afraid  and  sat  in 
silence,  curbing  her  heart ;  but  throughout  Zeus'  palace  th» 
gods  of  heaven  were  troubled.     (Pages  16-19.) 

Now  all  other  gods  and  chariot  driving  men  slept  all  night 
long,  only  Zeus  was  not  holden  of  sweet  sleep ;  rather  was 
he  pondering  in  his  mind  how  he  should  do  honor  to  Achilles 
and  destroy  many  beside  the  Achaians'  ships. 

And  this  design  seemed  to  his  mind  the  best,  to-wit,  to 
Bend  a  baneful  dream  upon  Agamemnon,  son  of  Atreus.  So 
he  spake  and  uttered  to  him  winged  words  :  "Come  now, 
thou  baneful  Dream,  go  to  the  Achaians's  fleet  ships,  enter 
into  the  hut  of  Agamemnon,  son  of  Atreus,  and  tell  him 
every  word  plainly  as  I  charge  thee.  Bid  him  call  to  arms 
the  flowing  haired  Achaians  with  all  speed,  for  that'  now  ho 
may  take  the  wide-wayed  city  of  the  Trojans.     (Page  21.) 

And  they  did  sacrifice  each  man  to  one  of  the  everlasting 
gods,  praying  for  escape  from  death  and  the  tumult  of  battle. 
But  Agamemnon  king  of  men  slew  a  fat  bull  of  five  years  to 
most  mighty  Kronion,  and  called  the  elders,  the  princes  of 
the  Achaian  host.  .  .  .  Then  stood  they  around  the 
bull  and  took  the  barley  meal,  and  Agamemnon  made  his 
prayer  in  their  midst  and  said:  "Zeus  most  glorious,  most 
great  god  of  the  storm  cloud,  that  dwellest  in  the  heavens, 
vouchsafe  that  the  sun  set  not  upon  us,  nor  the  darkness 
come  near  until  I  have  laid  low  upon  the  earth  Priam's 
palace  smurched  with  smoke  and  burnt  the  doorways  thereof 
withconsuming  fire  and  rent  on  Hector's  breast  his  doublet, 
cleft  with  the  blade  and  about  him  may  full  many  of  his 
comrades,  prone  in  the  dust,  bite  the  earth."  .  .  . 
Now  when  they  had  prayed  and  scattered  the  barley  meal, 


8  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

they  first  drew  back  the  bull's  head  and  cut  his  throat  and 
llu^ed  him  and  cut  slices  from  the  thighs  and  wrapped  them 
in  fat,  making  a  double  fold  and  laid  raw  collops  thereon. 
And  these  they  burnt  on  cleft  wood  stripped  of  leaves  and 
spitted  the  vitals  and  held  them  over  Hephaistos'  flame. 
Now  when  the  thighs  were  burnt  and  they  had  tasted  the 
vitals  then  sliced  they  all  the  rest  and  pierced  it  through 
with  spits  and  roasted  it  carefully  and  drew  all  off  again.  So 
when  they  had  rest  from  the  task  and  had  made  ready  the 
banquet,  they  feasted  nor  was  their  heart  aught  stinted  of 
the  fair  banquet.     (Pages  33,  34.) 

1.  In  what  ways  did  the  gods  and  goddesses  resemble  mor- 
tals? 2.  In  what  ways  were  they  unlike  them?  8.  Where 
did  the  gods  live  ?  4.  Did  Thetis  show  much  human  nature 
in  her  treatment  of  Zeus  ?  5.  Why  did  Zeus  hesitate  to 
grant  her  request?  6.  Is  his  feeling  very  godlike  ?  7.  Did 
Zeus  apparently  keep  all  his  promises?  8.  Did  the  gods 
love  Zeus?  9.  How  did  Hera  know  what  Zeus  had  been 
doing  ?  10.  Did  her  language  show  that  she  respected  him  ? 
11.  Does  their  language  indicate  that  their  domestic  life  was 
happy?  12.  Was  the  method  taken  by  Zeus  to  quiet  his 
wife  a  godlike  one  ?  13.  Why  were  the  gods  troubled?  14. 
How  did  the  gods  communicate  with  mortals?  15.  How  did 
mortals  communicate  with  the  gods  ?  16.  Why  did  Aga- 
memnon pray  to  Zeus?  17.  Was  his  prayer  a  righteous  one? 
18.  How  did  mortals  try  to  win  the  favor  of  the  gods  ?  19. 
Describe  such  a  scene. 

C.     Warfare. 

And  the  son  of  Atreus  cried  aloud  and  bad  the  Argives 
arm  them  and  himself  amid  them  did  on  the  flashing  l^ronze. 
First  he  fastened  fair  greaves  about  his  legs,  fitted  with  ankle 
clasps  of  silver,  next,  again,  he  did  his  breast-plate  about 
his  breast.  .  .  .  And  round  his  shoulders  he  cast  his 
sword  wherein  shone  studs  of  gold,  but  the  scabbard  about 
it  was  silver  fitted  with  golden  chains.  And  he  took  the 
richly  dight  shield  of  his  valor  that  covereth  all  the  body 
of  a  man,  a  fair  shield  and  round  about  it  were  ten  circles 
of  bronze  and  thereon  were  twenty  white  bosses  of  tin  and 
one  in  the  midst  of  black  Cyanus  .  .  .  and  on  his 
head  Agamemnon  set  a  sturdy  helm  with  a  fourfold  crest 
and  a  plume  of  horse  hair,  and  terribly  the  crest  nodded 
from  above.  And  he  grasped  two  strong  spears  shod  with 
bronze  and  keen. 

Then  each  man  gave  in  charge  his  horses  to  his  charioteer 
to  hold  them  in  by  the  fosse,  well  and  orderly,  and  them- 
selves as  heavy  men  at  arms  were  hasting  about  being  har- 
nessed in  their  gear.     .     .     .     And  long  before  the  chariot- 


THE    HOMERIC    AGE.  » 

eers  were  they  arrayed  at  the  fosse  but  after  them  a  little 
way  came  up  the  drivers.      (Pages  202,  203.) 

He  spake  and  dashed  Peisandros  from  his  chariot  to  the 
earth,  smiting  him  with  his  spear  upon  the  breast  and  he  lay 
Bupine  upon  the  ground.  But  Hippolochos  rushed  away  and 
him  too  he  smote  to  earth  and  cut  off  his  hands  and  his  neck 
with  the  sword  then  tossed  him  like  a  ball  of  stone  to  roll 
through  the  throng.  ^  Then  left  he  them,  and  where  thickest 
clashed  the  battalions,  there  he  set  on  and  with  him  all  the 
well-greaved  Achaians.  Footmen  kept  slaying  footmen  as 
they  were  driven  in  flight  and  horsemen  slaying  horsemen 
with  the  sword  and  from  beneath  them  rose  up  the  dust 
from  the  plain  stirred  by  the  thundering  hoofs  of  horses. 
And  the  lord  Agamemnon,  ever  slaying,  followed  after  cal- 
ling on  the  Argives.  ...  So  beneath  Agamemon,  son 
of  Atreus,  fell  the  heads  of  the  Trojans  as  they  fled ;  and 
many  strong  necked  horses  rattled  empty  cars  along  the 
highways  of  the  battle  lacking  their  noble  charioteers  ;  but 
they  on  the  earth  were  lying  far  more  dear  to  the  vultures 
than  to  their  wives.     (Pages  206,  207.) 

Even  so  Lord  Agamemnon,  son  of  Atreus,  followed  hard 
on  the  Trojans  ever  slaying  the  hindmost  man  and  they  were 
scattered  in  flight  and  on  face  or  back  many  of  them  fell 
from  their  chariots  beneath  the  hand  of  Agamemnon,  for 
mightily  he  raged  with  the  spear.     (Pages  207,  208  ) 

But  Hector  with  his  harness  leaped  from  the  chariot  to 
the  ground  and  shaking  his  sharp  spears  went  through  all  the 
hosts  stirring  up  his  men  to  fight  and  he  roused  the  dread 
din  of  battle. 

And  they  wheeled  round  and  stood  and  faced  the  Achai- 
ans while  the  Argives  on  the  other  side  strengthened  their 
battalions.  And  battle  was  made  ready  and  they  stood  over 
against  each  other  and  Agamemnon  first  rushed  in  being 
eager  to  fight  far  in  front  of  all.      (Page  209. ) 

But  Agamemnon  son  of  Atreus  of  the  wide  domain  smote 
Isos  on  the  breast  .  .  .  with  his  spear,  but  Antiphos 
he  struck  hard  by  the  ear  with  the  sword  and  dashed  him 
from  the  chariot.'*  Then  made  he  haste  and  stripped  from 
them  their  goodly  harness.     (Page  205.)  ' 

So  spake  he  and  smote  the  fair  maned  horses  with  the 
shrill  sounding  whip  and  they  felt  the  lash  and  fleetly  bore 
the  swift  chariot  among  the  Trojans  and  the  Achaians  turn- 
ing on  the  dead  and  the  shields  and  with  blood  besprinkled 
all  the  axle  tree  beneath  and  the  rims  round  the  car  with  the 


10  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

drops  from  the  hoofs  of  the  horses  and  with  drops  from  the 
tires  about  the  wheels.     (Page  219.) 

1.  Describe  the  arms  and  armor  of  a  Homeric  king.  2. 
Did  the  kings  fight  like  common  soldiers?  3.  Describe  the 
uses  of  the  different  weapons  and  pieces  of  armor.  4.  What 
advantage  had  a  prince  over  a  common  man  in  battle?  5. 
Were  the  wounded  and  the  dead  kindly  treated?  6.  Point 
out  some  things  that  you  consider  barbarous.  7.  Describe 
a  Homeric  battle.     8.   Compare  it  with  a  modei'u  battle. 

II.  Means  of  Unification  Existing  Among 
THE  Greeks. 
Pausanias:  Description  of  Greece.  2  vols. 
George  Bell  &  Sons,  London,  1886. 
Strabo:  Geography.  3  vols.  George 
Bell  &  Sons,  London,  1887.  Herodotus: 
History  of  Persian  Wars — Harper  Bros., 
New  York,  1891.  Pindar:  Odes  of. 
Macmillan  &  Co.,  New  York,  1892. 

A.      Amphicfijones.  ^ 

Some  think  that  Amphictyon,  the  son  of  Deuca'ion,  ap- 
pointed the  Great  Council  of  the  Greeks,  and  that  was  why 
those  who  assembled  at  the  Council  were  called  Amphicty- 
ones;  but  Androtion  in  his  history  of  Attica  says  that  origi- 
nally delegates  came  to  Delphi  from  the  neighboring  people 
who  were  .called  Amphictyones,  and  in  process  of  time  the 
name  Amphictyones  prevailed.  .  .  .  And  in  my  time 
the  Amphictyones  were  30  members.  Six  came  from 
Nicopolis,  six  from  Macedonia,  six  from  Thessaly,  two  from 
the  BcEOtians  (who  were  originally  in  Thessaly  and  called 
.(^^olians),  two  from  Phocis,  and  two  from  Delphi,  one  from 
Ancient  Doris,  one  from  the  Locrians,  called  Ozolae,  one 
from  the  Locrians  opposite  Euboea,  one  from  Euboea,  one 
from  Argos,  Sicyon,  Corinth  and  Megara,  and  one  from 
Athens.  Athens  and  Delphi  and  Nicopolis  send  delegates 
to  every  Amphictyonic  Council :  but  the  other  cities  I  have 
mentioned  only  join  the  Amphictyonic  Council  at  certain 
times.     (Pausanias,  vol.  II,  page  232. ) 

The  Amphictyonic  Council  usually  assembled  at  Oncestus, 
in  the  territory  of  Haliartus,  near  the  lake  Copal's,  and 
the  Teneric  Plain.  It  is  situated  on  a  height,  devoid  of 
trees,  where  is  a  temple  of  Neptune,  also  without  trees. 
(Strabo,  vol.  11,  page  109. )  i* 

As  the  situation  of  Delphi  is  convenient,  persons  easily 


THE    HOMERIC    AGE. 


11 


assembled  there,  particularly  those  from  the  neighborhood, 
of  whom  the  Amphictyonic  body  is  composed.     It  is  the 
business  of  this  body  to  deliberate  on  public  affairs,  and  to 
it  is  more   particularly  entrusted  the  guardianship  of  the 
temple   for  the  common  good:   for  large  sums  of  money 
were  deposited  there,  and  votive  offerings,  which  required 
great  vigilance  and  religious  care.     The  early  history  of  this 
body  is  unknown,  but  among  the  names  which  are  recorded, 
Acrisius  appears  to  have  been  the  first  to  have  regulated  ita 
constitution,  to  have  determined  what  cities  were  to  have 
votes  in  the  council,  and  to  have  assigned  the  number  of 
TOtes  and  mode  of  voting.     To  some  cities  he  gave  a  single 
vote  each,  or  a  vote  to  two  cities,  or  to  several  cities  con- 
jointly.    He  also  defined  the  class  of  questions  which  might 
arise  between  the  different  cities,  which  were  to  be  submitted 
to  the  decision  of  the  Amphictyonic  tribunals  ;  and  subse- 
quently many  other  regulations  were  made,  but  this  body, 
like  that  of  the  Achaians,  was  finally  dissolved. 

At  first  twelve  cities  are  said  to  have  assembled,  each  of 
which  sent  a  Pylagoras.  The  convention  was  held  twice  a 
year,  in  spring  and  autumn.  But  latterly  a  greater  number 
of  cities  assembled.  They  called  both  the  vernal  an*  the 
autumal  convention  Pyltean,  because  it  was  held  at  Pylffi, 
which  has  the  name  also  of  Thermopylae.  The  Pylagora 
safrificed  to  Ceres. 

In  the  beginning,  the  persons  in  the  neighborhood  only 
assembled  or  consulted  the  oracle,  but  afterwards  people  re- 
paired  thither  from  a  distance  for  this  purpose,  sent  gifts, 
and  constructed  treasuries.  .  .  .  (Strabo,  vol.  II, 
page  118.) 

1  What  was  an  amphictvonic  council?  2.  How  was  it 
comnosed  ?  3.  Which  account  of  its  foundation  seems  more 
probable  to  vou?  4.  Where  did  it  meet?  5.  How  often? 
6.  What  was  its  business?  7.  Describe  its  orgamicatiou.  ». 
Its  method  of  transacting  business. 

B.  Oracles. 
We  have  remarked,  that  Parnassus  itself  is  situated  on 
the  western  boundaries  of  Phocis.  The  western  side  of  this 
mountaiais  occupied  by  the  Locri  Ozolce  ;  on  the  soutliern 
is  Delphi,  a  rocky  spot,  resembling  in  shape  a  theatre  ;  on 
its  summit  is  the  oracle,  and  also  the  city  which  compre- 
hends a  circle  of  16  stadia.  Above  it  lies  Lycoreia ;  here 
the  Delphians  were  formerly  settled  above  the  temple.  At 
present  they  live  close  to  it  around  the  Castalian  Fountain. 
In  front  of  the  city,  on  the  southern  part,  is  Cirphis,  a  pre- 
cipitous hill,  leaving  in  the  intermediate  space  a  wooded  ra- 


w 


12  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

vine,  through  which  the  river  Pleistus  flows.  Below  Cirphis, 
near  the  sea,  is  Cirrha,  from  which  there  is  au  asL-eiiL  lu 
Delphi  of  about  80  stadia.     (Strabo,  vol.  II,  page  116.) 

The  temple  at  Delphi  is  now  much  neglected,  although 
formerly  it  was  held  in  the  greatest  veneration.  Proofs  of 
the  respect  which  was  paid  to  it  are  the  treasuries  con- 
structed at  the  expense  of  communities  and  princes,  where 
was  deposited  the  wealth  dedicated  to  sacred  uses,  the  works 
of  the  most  eminent  artists,  the  Pythian  games,  and  a  multi- 
tude of  celebrated  oracles. 

The  place  where  the  oracle  is  delivered  is  said  to  be  a 
deep  hollow  cavern,  the  entrance  to  which  is  not  very  wide. 
From  it  rises  an  exhalation  which  inspires  a  divine  frenzy  : 
over  the  mouth  is  placed  a  lofty  tripod  on  which  the  Pythian 
Princess  ascends  to  receive  the  exhalation,  after  which  she 
gives  the  prophet's  response  in  verse  or  prose.  The  prose 
is  adapted  to  measure  by  poets  who  are  in  the  service  of  tha 
temple.     .     . 

Although  the  highest  honor  was  paid  to  this  temple  on 
account  of  the  oracle,  (for  it  was  the  most  exempt  of  any 
from  deception,)  yet  its  reputation  was  owing  in  part  to  its 
situation  in  the  center  of  all  Greece,  both  within  and  with- 
out the  isthmus.  It  was  also  supposed  to  be  the  center  of 
the  habitable  earth.     .     ,  (Strabo,  vol.   II,  pages   117^ 

118.) 

And  the  temple  which  still  exists  was  built  by  the  Amphic- 
tyoues  out  of  the  sacred  money,  and  its  architect  was  the  Cor- 
inthian Spintharus.     (Pausanius,  vol.  II,  page  228.) 

Gyges,  having  obtained  the  kingdom,  sent  many  offerings 
to  Delphi  :  for  most  of  the  silver  offerings  at  Delphi  are  his  ; 
and  besides  the  silver  he  gave  a  vast  quantity  of  gold  and 
among  the  rest,  what  is  especially  worthy  mention,  the  bowls 
of  gold,  six  in  number,  were  dedicated  by  him. 
This  Gyges  is  the  first  of  the  barbarians  whom  we  know  of 
that  dedicated  offerings  at  Delphi :  except  Midas,  son  of 
Gordius,  king  of  Phrygia.  For  Midas  dedicated  the  royal 
throne,  on  which  he  used  to  sit  and  administer  justice,  a 
piece  of  workmanship  deserving  of  admiration.  This  throne 
stands  in  the  same  place  as  the  bowls  of  Gyges.  (Herodotus, 
pages  6,  7.) 

After  he  ( Croesus)  had  formed  this  pui-pose,  he  determined 
to  make  trial  as  well  of  the  oracles  of  Greece  as  that  in 
I/ydia  ;  and  sent  different  persons  to  different  places,  some 
to  Delphi,  some  to  Abte  of  Phocis,  and  some  to  Dodona  f 
others  were  sent  Araphiaraus  and  Trophonius,  and  others  to 
Brau'^liidn?  of  Milosia. 


THE    HOMERIC    AGE.  13 

These  were  the  Grecian  oracles  to  which  Croesus  seut  to 
consult.  .  .  .  But  no  soiier  had  the  Lydiaiis  eaiui  t  i 
the  temple  of  Delphi  to  consult  the  god  and  ask  the  question 
enjoined  them  than  the  Pythian  thus  spoke  in  hexameter 
verse:  "I  know  the  number  of  the  sands  and  the  measure 
of  the  sea  ;  I  understand  the  dumb  and  hear  him  that  does 
not  si>eak  ;  the  savor  of  the  hard-shell  tortoise  boiled  in  brasa 
with  the  flesh  of  lamb  strikes  on  my  senses  ;  brass  is  laid  be- 
neath it  and  brass  is  put  over  it." 

The  Lydians  having  written  down  this  answer  of  the  Pyth- 
ian returned  to  Sardis.  .  .  .  When,  however,  he  (Croe- 
sus) heard  that  from  Delphi,  he  immediately  adored  it,  and 
approved  of  it,  being  convinced  that  the  oracle  at  Delphi 
alone  was  a  real  oracle,  because  it  had  discovered  what  he 
had  done.  For  when  he  had  sent  persons  to  consult  the 
different  oracles,  watching  the  appointed  day  (Croesus'  in- 
structions to  his  envoys  were  that  computing  the  days  from 
the  time  of  their  departure  from  Sardis,  they  should  consult 
the  oracle  on  the  hundredth  day  by  asking  what  Croesus  was 
then  doing),  he  had  recourse  to  the  following  contrivance: 
having  thought  what  it  was  impossible  to  discover  or  guess 
at,  he  cut  up  a  tortoise  and  a  lamb,  and  boiled  them  himself 
together  in  a  brazen  caldron  and  put  on  it  a  cover  of  brass. 
(Herodotus,  pages  18,  19.) 

1.  Make  a  diagram  showing  the  location  of  the  oracle  and 
of  the  surrounding  places  as  described  by  Strabo.  (Look 
up  Delphi  on  a  map  of  Greece.)  2.  Was  the  oracle  re- 
spected throughout  Grecian  history?  3.  Describe  the  man- 
ner in  which  an  oracle  was  delivered.  4.  From  whom  was 
the  reply  supposed  to  come  ?  5.  Were  the  oracles  always 
truthful?  6.  Was  Delphi  really  the  "center  of  the  habit- 
able earth  "  ?  7.  What  does  this  tell  us  about  the  geograph- 
ical knowledge  of  the  early  Greeks?  8.  What  relation  ex- 
isted between  the  oracle  and  the  Amphictyonic  council?  9. 
Was  the  oracle  famous?  10.  Was  its  opinion  valuable?  11. 
Were  there  other  oracles  besides  Delphi?  12.  Why  did  men 
consult  the  oracles?  13.  Was  it  always  an  easy  matter  to 
understand  the  replies  of  the  oracles?  14.  Why  were  the 
replies  given  in  such  form  ? 

C.     Games. 

From  the  time  the  Olympian  games  were  revived  cnntiiiu- 
ously,  prizes  were  first  instituted  for  running,  and  Cordjlnisof 
Elis  was  the  victor.  His  statue  is  at  Olympia  and  his  grave  is 
on  the  borders  of  Ells.  And  in  the  14th  Olympiad  afterwards 
the  donble  course  was  introduced,  when  Hypenus,  a  iialivo 

of  Pisa,  won  the  wild  olive  crown,  and  Acanthus  the  second. 

And  in  the   18th  01yni])iad  they  remembered  the  penlath- 


14  EUROPEAN    HISTORY   STUDIES. 

Ion  and  the  wrestling.  .  .  .  And  in  the  23d  Olympiad 
they  ordained  prizes  for  boxing.  .  .  .  And  in  the  25th 
Olympiad  they  had  a  race  of  full  grown  horses.  .  .  . 
And  in  the  8th  Olympiad  late  they  introduced  the  pancra- 
tium and  the  riding  race.  The  horse  of  Crannonian  Crauxi- 
das  got  in  first,  and  the  competitors  for  the  pancratium  were 
beaten  by  the  Syracusan  Lygdamus,  who  has  his  sepulcher 
at  the  stone  quarries  of  Syracuse.  And  I  don't  know  whether 
Lygdamus  was  really  as  big  as  the  Theban  Hercules,  but  that 
is  the  tradition  at  Syracuse.  And  the  contest  of  the  boys 
was  not  a  revival  of  ancient  usage,  but  the  people  of  Elis  in- 
stituted it  because  the  idea  pleased  them.  So  prizes  were 
instituted  for  running  and  wrestling  among  boys  in  the  307th 
Olympiad.  .  .  .  And  in  the  41st  Olympiad  afterwards 
they  invited  boxing  boys.  .  .  .  And  the  race  in  heavy 
armor  was  tried  in  the  65th  Olympiad  as  an  exercise  for  war, 
I  think  ;  and  of  those  who  ran  with  their  shields  Damaretua 
of  Heraeum  was  the  victor. 

The  order  of  the  games  in  our  day  is  to  sacrifice  victims 
to  the  god  and  then  to  contend  in  the  i^entathlon  and  horse 
race,  according  to  the  programme  established  in  the  77th 
Olympiad,  for  before  this  horses  and  men  contended  on  the 
same  day.  And  at  that  period  the  Pancratiasts  did  not  ap- 
pear till  night  for  they  could  not  compete  sooner,  so  much 
time  being  taken  up  by  the  horse  races  and  pentathlon.  .  . 
But  in  the  25th  Olympiad  afterwards  nine  general  umpires 
were  appointed,  three  for  the  horses,  three  to  watch  the 
pentathlon  and  three  to  preside  over  the  remaining  games. 
And  in  the  2d  Olympiad  after  this  a  tenth  umpire  was  ap- 
pointed. And  in  the  103d  Olympiad,  as  the  people  of  Elis 
had  twelve  tribes,  a  general  umpire  was  appointed  by  each. 
(PiULsanias,  vol.  I,  pages  316-318.) 

(The  following  extracts  are  taken  from  the  Odes  of  Pin- 
dar. They  were  written  and  sung  in  honor  of  the  victors  in 
the  four  great  games,  the  Olympian,  the  Pythian,  the  Ne- 
mean  and  the  Isthiuian.) 

0  kindly  Peace,  daughter  of  Righteousness,  thou  that 
makest  cities  great  and  boldest  the  supreme  keys  of  councils 
and  of  wars,  welcome  thou  this  honor  to  Aristomenes,  won  in 
the  Pythian  games.  ...  So  let  that  which  lyeth  in  my 
path,  my  debt  to  thee,  0  boy,  the  youngest  of  thy  country's 
glories,  run  on  apace  winged  by  my  art. 

For  in  wrestlings  thou  art  following  the  footsteps  of  thy 
uncles,  and  shamest  neither  Theognetos  at  Olympia  nor  the 
victory  that  at  Isthmos  was  won  by  Kleitomachos'  stalwart 
limbs.     (Pindar,  page  89.) 


THE    HOMERIC    AGE.  15 

I  have-desire  to  proclaim  with  aid  of  the  deep  vested 
graces  a  victory  at  Pytho  of  Telesikrates  bearing  the  shield 
of  bronze,  and  to  speak  aloud  his  name,  for  his  fair  fortune 
and  the  glory  wherewith  he  hath  crowned  Cyrene  city  of 
charioteers.  '  (Pindar,  page  92.) 

Acharnai  of  old  was  famous  for  its  men,  and  as  touching 
games,  the  Timodenidai  rank  there  pre-eminent.  Beneath 
Parnassos'  lordly  height  they  won  four  victories  in  the  games; 
moreover  in  the  valleys  of  noble  Pelops  they  have  obtained 
eight  crowns  at  the  hands  of  the  men  of  Corinth  and  seven 
at  Nemea  ;  and  at  home  more  than  may  be  numbered  at  the 
games  of  Zeus  : 

To  whose  glory,  0  citizens,  sing  for  Timodemos  a  song  of 
triumph,  and  bring  him  in  honor  home,  and  chant  our  pre- 
lude tunefully.     (Pindai*,  page  111.) 

1.  Describe  the  Olympic  games  as  though  you  were  a 
spectator,  using  the  evidence  given.  2.  Did  they  have  a  re- 
ligious character?  3.  What  prizes  were  granted  to  the  vic- 
tor?   4.   Was  it  a  great  honor  to  be  a  victor  at  Olympus"? 


THE  ATHENIAN  CONSTITUTION. 


(17) 


CHAPTER  II. 


THE  ATHENIAN  CONSTITUTION. 

Aristotle  on  the  Athenian  Constitution. 
Translated,  with  introduction  and  notes 
by  F.  G.  Kenyon,  M.  A.  London,  George 
Bell  &  Sons.    1891. 

The  Athenian  constitution,  either  written  by 
Aristotle  or  under  his  direction,  is  one  of  our 
most  valuable  sources  on  this  subject.  An  in- 
complete copy  was  discovered  a  few  years  ago 
in  Egypt.  Up  to  that  time  the  work  was 
known  only  by  extracts  found  in  other  Greek 
writers.  This  discovery  is  one  of  the  events 
of  our  century.  Aristotle  lived  in  the  fourth 
century  before  Christ. 

I.     Enrollment  op  Citizens  and  Training  op 
Youths. 

The  present  (about  330  B.  C. )  state  of  the  constitution  ia 
as  follows  :  The  franchise  is  open  to  all  who  are  of  citizen 
birth  by  both  parents.  They  are  enrolled  among  the  denies- 
men*  at  the  age  of  eighteen.  On  the  occasion  of  their  en- 
rollment, the  demesmen  give  their  votes  on  oath,  first  as  to 
whether  they  appear  to  be  of  the  age  prescri})ed  by  law  (if 
not  they  are  dismissed  back  into  the  ranks  of  the  boys),  and 
secondly  as  to  whether  the  candidate  is  freeborn  and  of  such 
parentage  as  the  laws  require.  Then  if  they  decide  that  he 
is  not  a  free  man,  he  appeals  to  the  law  courts  and  the 
demesmen  appoint  five  of  their  own  number  to  act  as  their 
accusers  ;  and  if  the  court  decides  that  he  has  no  right  to  be 
enrolled,  he  is  sold  by  the  state  as  a  slave,  but  if  he  wins  his 
case,  he  has  a  right  to  be  enrolled  among  the  demesmen 
witi^nnt  fM"tiipr  onpsh'on.     Aftor  this  the  council  examines 

♦The  smallest  subdivision  of  Attica  was  called  a  deme  and  the 
residents  demesmen. 

(18) 


THE    ATHENIAN    CONSTITUTION. 


19 


those  who  have  been  enrolled,  and  if  it  comes  to  the  con- 
clusion that  any  of  them  is  less  than  eighteen  years  of  age,  it 
fines  the  deraesmen  who  enrolled  him.     When  the  youths 
have  passed  this  examination,  their  fathers  meet  by  their 
tribes,*  and  appoint  on  oath  three  of  their  fellow-tribesmen, 
over  forty  years  of  age,  who  in  their  opinion  are  the  best 
and  most  suitable  persons  to  have  charge  of  the  youths;  and 
of  these  the  assembly  elects  one  from  each  tribe  as  guardian, 
together  with  the  superintendent  chosen  from  the  general 
body  of  Athenians,  to  control  the  whole.     These  persons 
take  charge  of  the  youths,  and  first  of  all  they  make  the 
circuit  of  the  temples;   then  they  proceed    to   Pirtes,  and 
some  of  them  garrison  Munychia  and  some  the  south  shore. 
The  Assembly  also  elects  two  trainers,  with  subordinate  in- 
structors, who  teach  them  to  fight  in  heavy  armour,  to  use 
the   bow   and  javelin,  and  to   discharge  a  catapult.      The 
guardians  receive  from  the  state  a  drachmaf  apiece  for  their 
keep  and  the  youths  four  oboist  apiece.      Each   guardian 
receives  the  allowance  for  all  the  members  of  his  tribe  and 
buys  the  necessary  provisions  for  the  common  stock  (since 
they  mess  together  by  tribes),  and  generally  superintends 
everything.     In  this  way  they  spend  the  fir.st  year.     The  next 
year,  when  the  assembly  is  held  in  the  theater,?  after  giving 
a  pub.ic  display  of  their  military  evolutions,  they  receive  a 
shield  and  a  spear  from  the  state  ;  aft'  r  which  they  patrol 
the  country  and  spend  their  time  in  the  forts.     For  the?e 
two  years  they  are  on  garrison  duty  and  wear  the  military 
cloak,  and  during  this  time  they  are  exempt  from  all  taxes. 
They  also  can  neither  bring  an  action  at  law  nor  have  one 
brought  against  them,  in  order  that  they  may  not  be  mixed 
up  in  civil  business;  though  exception  is  made  concerning 
actions  concernmg  inheritances  and  wards  of  state,  or  of  any 
sacrificial   ceremony  connected  with  the  clan  of  any  indi- 
vidual.    When  the  two  years  have  elapsed  they  at  once  take 
their  position  among  the  other  citizens.     Such  is  the  manner 
of  the  enrollment  of  the  citizens  and  of  the  training  of  the 
youth. 

1.  Under  what  conditions  could  a  man  become  a  citizen 
or  Athens?  2.  Compare  those  conditions  with  the  condi- 
tions in  our  own  country.     3.     How  many  bodies  might  be 


*The  people  were  divided  into  ten  tribes. 

t  Six  obols. 

I  An  ub;il  was  about  three  cents. 

I  On  the  occasion  of  the  great  Dionysiac  festival. 


20  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

called  upon  to  examine  a  man's  claims  to  citizenship  ?  4. 
Why  so  many?  5.  What  class  of  men  was  without  polit- 
ical rights?  6.  Explain  the, course  followed  in  the  selec- 
tion of  guardians,  i.  e.,  why  does  the  assembly  of  all  the 
citizens  select  at  once  all  the  guardians?  7.  Why  was  the 
"circuit  of  the  temples"  made?  8.  Why  were  the  youths 
obliged  to  give  two  years  to  military  duty?  9.  Why  did 
the  state  support  them  and  free  them  from  taxes  and  law- 
suits? 10.  What  was  the  reason  for  the  presentation  of  the 
shield  and  spear? 

II.  The  Prytanes. 

All  the  magistrates  that  are  concerned  with  the  ordinary 
routine  of  administration  are  elected  by  lot,  except  the  Mili- 
tary Treasurer,  the  Commissioners  of  the  Theoric  fund  *  and 
the  Superintendent  of  Springs. f  These  are  elected  by  vote, 
and  the  magistrates  thus  elected  hold  office  from  one  Pana- 
thenaic  festival  to  another.  All  military  officers  are  also 
elected  by  vote.  The  council  of  five  hundred  is  elected  by 
■  lot,  fifty  from  each  tribe.  Each  tribe  holds  the  office  of 
Prytanes  J  in  turn,  the  order  being  determined  by  lot ;  the 
first  four  serve  for  thirty-six  days  each,  the  last  six  for 
thirty-five,  since  the  i-eckoning  is  by  lunar  years.  The  Pry- 
tanes for  the  time  being,  in  the  first  place,  mess  together  in 
the  Tholus,  and  receive  a- sum  of  money  from  the  state  for 
their  maintenance  ;  and  secondly  they  convene  the  meetings 
of  the  Council  and  the  Assembly.  The  Council  ihey  convene 
every  day  unless  it  is  a  holiday,  the  Assembly  four  times  in 
each  prytany.  It  is  also  their  duty  to  draw  up  the  pro- 
gramme of  the  matters  with  which  the  Council  has  to  deal, 
and  to  decide  what  subjects  are  to  be  dealt  with  on  each 
particular  day,  and  what  are  not  within  its  competence. 
They  also  draw  up  the  programme  for  the  meetings  of  the 
Assembly  (pp.  77-82). 

1.  Why  were  all  of  the  officers  not  elected  by  lot?  2. 
How  long  was  the  terra  of  office?  3.  By  whom  was  the 
work  of  the  council  and  assembly  controlled  ?  .  4.  How  of- 
ten did  this  controlling  body  change?  5.  What  would  be 
the  objection  to  such  an  organization  in  a  large  state  ? 

III,  The  Council. 

The  Council  passes  judgment  on  nearly  all  magistrates, 
especially  those  who  have  the  control  of  money  ;  its  judg- 

*  Fund  that  provided  the  populace  with  the  price  of  admission  to 
the  tlieairo. 

t  Athens  Wiis  scantily  supplied  with  fresh  water. 

I  Presidents  of  the  Council  and  Assembly  in  the  fifth  century. 
Later  the  Prytanes  appointed  the  presidents. 


THE    ATHKXIAN    CONSTITUTION.  21 

ment,  however,  is  not  tinal,  but  is  subject  to  an  appeal  to 
the  la'iv-cjur'is.  ir'rn'ate  ludividuals,  al.io,  may  iiupcafli  any 
magistrate  they  please  for  not  obeying  the  laws,  but  here  too 
there  is  an  appeal  to  the  law-courts,  if  the  Council  declare 
the  charge  proved.  The  Council  also  examines  those  who 
are  to  be  its  members  for  the  ensuing  year,  and  also  the  nine 
Archons.  Formerly  the  Council  had  full  power  to  reject 
candidates  for  office  as  unsuitable,  but  now  these  too  have 
an  appeal  to  the  law-courts.  In  all  these  matters,  therefore, 
the  Council  has  no  final  jurisdiction.  It  has,  however,  a 
.preliminary  jurisdiction  of  all  matters  brought  before  the 
Assembly,  and  the  Assembly  cannot  vote  on  any  question  ' 
unless  it  has  first  been  considered  by  the  Council  and  placed 
on  the  programme  by  the  Prytanes  ;  since  a  person  who  car- 
ries a  motion  in  the  Assembly  is  liable  to  an  action  for 
illegal  jDrojiosal  on  these  grounds  (p.  85. ) 

1.  In  what  way  did  the  state  protect  itself  against  corrupt 
officials?  2.  What  resort  had  the  official  who  was  unjustly 
attacked?  3.  In  all  cases  of  this  kind,  and  in  all  cases  be- 
tween the  government  and  the  citizen,  what  seems  to  have 
been  the  final  resort?  4.  Had  it  always  been  so ?  5.  What 
was  the  relation  of  the  Council  to  the  Assembly?  6.  How 
would  a  citizen  be  treated  who  induced  the  assembly  to 
agree  to  anything  not  proposed  by  the  Prytanes? 

IV.     The  Treasurers  and  Commissioners. 

The  Council  also  co-operates  with  the  other  magisti-ates  in 
most  of  their  duties.  First,  there  are  the  treasurers  of 
Athena,  ten  in  number,  elected  by  lot,  one  from  each  tribe. 
According  to  the  law  of  Solon — which  is  still  in  force — they 
must  be  Pentacosiomedimni,t  but  in  point  of  fact  the  person 
on  whom  the  lot  falls  holds  the  office  even  though  he  be 
quite  a  poor  man.  These  officers  take  over  charge  of  the 
Statue  of  Athena,  the  figures  of  Victory  and  all  other  orna- 
ments of  the  temple,  together  with  the  money,  in  the  pres- 
ence of  the  Council.  Then  there  are  the  commissioners  for 
public^contracts,  ten  in  number,  one  elected  by  lot  from  each 
tribe.  These  officers  farm  out  the  public  contracts  and  lease 
the  mines,  and  in  conjunction  with  the  military  tr'^isurer 
and  the  Commissioners  of  the  Theoric  fund,  confirm  the 
farming  out  of  taxes  in  the  presence  of  the  Council,  to  the 
persons  whom  the  latter  appoints.  .  They  also  lease,  in  the 
presence  of  the  Council,  such  workable  mines  as  are  let  out 
by  the  st;)tr>.  which   aro  lot   for  tltroe  vpav;.  nnd   tl)i'>  "•-i"'>"-- 

t  The  citizens  of  Athena  were  divided  irrto  classes  on  the  basis  of 
incomes.    The  Pentacosiomedimni  had  an  income  of  tive  hundred 
measures,  liquid  or  solid. 
4 


22  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

sions  which  are  let  for  (three)  years,  and  also  the  i^roperty 
of  those  who  have  gone  into  exile  from  a  sentence  of  the 
Areopan;iis,  and  of  state  debtors  .;  and  the  nine  Archons 
ratify  the  contracts.  They  also  hand  over  to  the  Council 
lists  of  the  taxes  which  are  farmed  out  for  the  year,  entering 
on  whitened  tal)lets  the  name  of  the  lessee  and  the  amount 
paid  (pp.  86-88). 

1.  Was'  the  Athens  of  Aristotle's  time  more  democratic 
than  the  Atlieiis  of  Solon's  day  ?  2.  What  sources  of  in- 
come did  the  state  have?  3.  Which  of  these  sources  is 
looked  upon  as  unjust  to-day?  4.  Wliy  did  tlie  ollicers  al- 
ways make  the  contracts  in  the  presence  of  the  Council? 
.  5.  Do  we  farm  out  our  taxes? 

V.     Receivers-General,  Auditors,  and  Exam- 
iners. 

There  are  ten  Receivers-General,  elected  by  lot,  one  from 
each  tribe.  These  officers  receive  the  tablets,  and  strike  off 
the  instalments  as  they  are  paid,  in  the  presence  of  the 
Council  in  the  Council-chamber,  and  give  the  tablets  back 
to  the  public  clerk.  If  any  one  fails  to  pay  his  instalment, 
a  note  is  made  of  it  from  this  record,  together  with  the  cause  ; 
and  he  is  bound  to  make  good  the  deficiency,  or,  in  default, 
to  be  Imprisoned.  The  Council  has  full  power  by  the  laws 
to  exact  this  payment  and  to  inflict  this  imprisonment. 
They  receive  the  money,  therefore,  on  one  day  and  portion 
it  out  among  the  magistrates  ;  and  on  the  next  day  they 
bring  up  the  report  of  the  apportionment,  written  on  a 
wooden  notice-board,  and  read  it  out  in  the  Council-cham- 
ber, after  which  they  ask  publicly  in  the  Council  whether 
any  one  knows  of  any  malpractice  in  reference  to  the  appor- 
tionment, on  the  part  of  either  a  magistrate  or  a  private  In- 
dividual, and  if  any  one  is  charged  with  malpractice  they  put 
the  question  to  the  vote. 

The  Council  also  elects  ten  Auditors  by  lot  fiom  its  own 
members,  to  audit  the  accounts  of  the  magistrates  for  each 
prytany.  /-They  also  elect  one  Examiner  of  Accounts  by  lot 
from  each  tribe  with  two  assessors  for  each  examiner,  whose 
duty  it  is  to  sit  in  the  market  place,  each  opposite  the  statue 
of  the  eponymous  hero  of  his  tribe  ;  and  if  any  one  wLshes, 
on  the  ground  of  some  private  difference,  to  question  the 
accounts  of  any  magistrate  who  has  given  in  his  accouut 
before  the  law-courts,  within  three  days  of  his  having  given 
them  in,  the  assessor  enters  on  a  whitened  tablet  the  name 
of  the  jjerson  and  that  of  the  magistrate  prosecuted,  together 


THE    ATHENIAN    CONSTITUTION.  23 

with  the  malpractice  that  is  alleged  against  him.  Then  he 
eiucis  luri  Claim  for  a  penalty  ot  such  amount  as  seems  to 
him  fitting,  ^and  gives  in  the  record  to  the  examiner.  %  The 
latter  takes  it  and  hears  the  charge  and  if  he  considers  it 
proved,  he  hands  it  over,  if  a  private  case,  to  the  local  jus- 
tices who  introduce  cases  for  the  tribe  concerned,  while  if  a 
public  case  he  enters  it  on  the  register  of  the  Thesmotheta;.* 
Then  if  the  Thesmothetae  accept  it,  they  bring  the  accounts 
of  this  magistrate  once  more  before  the  law-court  and  the 
decision  of  the  jury  stands  as  the  final  judgment  (pp.  89-90). 
I'Are  citizens  imprisoned  to-day  for  non-payment  of 
taxes'?  2  What  two  great  safeguards  against  traud  do  we 
see  employed  throughout  the  Athenian  governments  3. 
Show  how"they  would  be  efi"ective. 

,VL     Other  Commissioners. 

The  Council  also  examines  infirm  paupers  ;  for  there  is  a 
law  which  enacts  that  a  person  possessing  less  than  lluea 
minas,  who  are  so  crippled  as  not  to  be  able  to  do  any  work, 
are,  after  examination  by  the  Council,  to  receive  two  obols  a 
day  from  the  state  for  their  support.  A  treasurer  is  ap- 
pointed by  lot  to  attend  to  them. 

The  Council  also,  speaking  broadly,  co-operates  in  most 
of  the  duties  of  all  of  the  other  magistrates  ;  and  this  enda 
the  list  of  the  functions  of  that  body.  There  are  ten  Com- 
uiissloners  for  Repairs  of  Temples,  elected  by  lot,  who  re- 
ceive the  sum  of  thirty  mInas  from  the  Receivers-General, 
and  therewith  carry  out  the  most  necessary  repairs  in  the 
temples. 

There  are  also  ten  City  Commissioners,  of  whom  five  hold 
ofHce  in  PIrajus  aud  five  in  the  city.  Their  duty  is  to  see 
that  female  flute  and  harp  and  lute  players  are  not  hired 
at  more  than  two  drachmas,  and  if  more  than  one  person  is 
anxious  to  hire  the  same  girl,  they  cast  lots  and  hire  her  to 
the  person  to  whom  the  lot  falls.  They  also  provide  that  no 
collector  of  sewage  shall  shoot  any  of  his  sewage  within  tea 
Btadia  of  the  walls ;  they  prevent  people  from  blocking  up 
the  streets  by  building  or  stretching  barriers  across  them,  or 
making  drain  pipes  In  mid-air  so  as  to  pour  their  contents 
into  the  streets,  or  having  doors  which  open  outwards  ;  and 
they  remove  the  corpses  of  those  who  die  in  the  street,  for 
which  purpose  they  have  a  body  of  state  slaves  assigned  to 
them. 

Mnvl-ot  CoTnTni<!<<ion(»rs  are  electod  bvlot,  five  for  Piraeus, 

♦  Six  in  number,  were  the  junior  Archous. 


24  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

live  for  the  city.  The  duty  assigned  to  them  by  law  is  to  see 
L..ai  ail  aiuc-ies  ottered  for  sale  lu  the  market  are  pure  and 
unadulterated. 

Commissioners  of  Weights  and  Measures  are  elected  by 
lot,  fivfe  for  the  city  and  five  for  Pirajus.  They  see  that  sell- 
ers use  fair  weights  and  measures. 

Formerly  there  were  five  Corn  Commissioners,  elected  by 
lot  for  Piraeus,  and  five  for  the  city  ;  but  now  there  are 
twenty  for  the  city  and  fifteen  for  Pirteus.  Their  duties  are, 
tirst,  to  see  that  the  unprepared  corn  in  the  market  is  offered 
for  sale  at  reasonable  prices,  and  secondly,  to  see  that  the 
millers  sell  barley  meal  at  a  price  proportionate  to  that  of 
barley  ;  and  that  the  bakers  sell  their  loaves  at  a  price  pro- 
portionate to  that  of  wheat,  and  of  such  weight  as  the  Com- 
missioners may  appoint ;  for  the  law  requires  them  to  fix  the 
standard  weight. 

There  are  ten  Superintendents  of  the  Mart,  elected  by  lot, 
Tvliose  duty  it  is  to  superintend  the  Mart,  and  "to  compel 
merchants  to  bring  up  into  the  city  two-thirds  of  the  corn 
wliiph  is  brought  by  sea  to  the  Corn  Mart. 

The  Eleven  are  also  appointed  by  lot  to  take  care  of  those 
who  are  in  the  state  gaol.  .Thieves,  kidnappers,  and  pick- 
pockets are  brought  to  them,  and  if  they  plead  guilty,  they 
are  executed,  but  if  they  deny  their  crime  the  Eleven  bring 
the  case  before  the  law-courts;  if  the  prisoners  are  ac- 
quitted they  release  them,  but  if  not,  they  execute  them. 
They  also  bring  up  before  the  law-courts  the  list  of  farms 
and  houses  claimed  as  state  property  ;  and  if  it  is  decided 
that  they  are  so,  they  deliver  them  to  the  Commissioners  for 
Public  Contracts.  The  Eleven  also  bring  up  informations 
laid  against  magistrates  alleged  to  be  disqualified  ;  this  func- 
tion comes  within  their  province,  but  some  such  cases  are 
brought  up  by  the  Thesmothetse.     (pp.  92-95. ) 

1.  How  did  the  Athenians  take  care  of  their  paupers?  2 
Did  the  Athenians  have  a  state  religion?  3.  I'oint  out  all 
the  curious  things  that  you  note  in  the  work  of  the  commis.- 
sioners  and  tell  why  they  are  curious.  4.  How  ramv  o 
tliese  things  are  regulated  by  our  government?  5.  How 
many  do  we  consider  it  unwise  to  regulate,  and  why?  6. 
Was  the  treatment  of  thieves,  kidnappers,  and  pickpockets 
wise? 

i\"II.     Commissioners  (cont.). 

The  following  magistrates  also  are  elected  by  lot :  Ten 
Commissioners  of  Roads,  who,  with  an  assigned  body  of 
public  slaves,  are  required  to  keep  the  roads  in  order;  and 


THE    ATHENIAN    CONSTITUTION.  25 

ten  Auditors,  with  ten  assistants,  to  whom  all  persons  who 
have  held  any  office  nnjst  give  in  their  accounts.  These  are 
the  only  officers  who  audit  the  accounts  of  those  who  are 
subject  to  examination,  and  who  bring  them  up  for  examin- 
ation before  the  law-courts.  If  they  detect  any  magistrate 
in  embezzlement,  the  jury  condemn  him  on  the  charge  of 
embezzlement,  and  he  is  obliged  to  repay  ten-fold  the  sum 
he  is  declared  to  have  misappropriated.  If  they  charge  a 
magistrate  with  accepting  bribes  and  the  jury  convict  him, 
they  fine  him  for  corruption,  and  this  sum  too  is  repaid  ten- 
fold. Or  if  they  convict  him  of  unfair  dealing,  he  is  fined 
on  that  charge,  and  the  sum  assessed  is  paid  without  in- 
crease, if  payment  is  made  before  the  ninth  prytany,  but 
otherwise  it  is  doubled.  A  ten-fold  fine  is  not  doubled,  how- 
ever. 

The  Clerk  of  the  Pyrtany,  as  he  is  called,  is  also  elected 
by  lot.  He  is  the  chief  of  all  the  clerks  and  keeps  the  res- 
olutions which  are  passed  by  the  Assembly,  and  records  of 
all  other  business,  and  attends  at  the  sessions  of  the  Coun- 
cil. Formerly,  he  was  elected  by  open  vote  and  the  most 
distinguished  and  trustworthy  persons  were  elected  to  the 
post,  as  is  known  from  the  fact  that  the  name  of  this  officer 
is  appended  on  the  pillars  recording  treaties  of  alliance  and 
grants  of  consulship  and  citizenship.  Now,  however,  he  ia 
elected  by  lot.  There  is,  in  addition,  a  Clerk  of  Laws, 
elected  by  lot,  who  attends  at  the  sessions  of  the  Council, 
and  he  too  records  all  the  laws.  The  Assembly  also  elects 
by  open  vote  a  clerk  to  read  documents  to  it  and  to  the 
Council ;  he  has  not  other  duty  except  that  of  reading 
aloud. 

The  Assembly  also  elects,  by  lot,  ten  Commissioners  of 
Religion,  known  as  the  Commissioners  for  Sacrifices,  who 
offer  the  sacrifices  appointed  by  oracle,  and,  in  conjunction 
with  the  seers,  take  the  auspices  whenever  there  is  occa- 
sion (pp.  98-100). 

1.  What  difference  between  road  repairing  in  Attica  and 
in  our  country?  2.  Was  the  Athenian  method  of  auditing 
accounts  similar  to  our  own?  3.  Does  our  method  of  pun- 
ishment in  case  of  eraljezzlemont  ditfer  from  theirs?  4. 
What  modern  state  officers  resemble  the  Clerk  of  t&e  Pryt- 
any, the  Clerk  of  Laws,  and  the  Clerk  of  the  Assembly? 

VIII.     The  Archons. 

All  the  foregoing  magistrates  are  elected  by  lot,  and  their 
duties  are  those  which  have  bec^n  stated.  To  pass  on  to  the 
nine  Archons,  as  they  are  called,  the  manner  of  their  ap- 


26  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

pointment  from  the  earliest  times  has  been  described  already 
At  the  present  day,  six  Thesmothette  are  elected  by  lot, 
together  with  their  clerk,  and  in  addition  to  these  an  Archon 
a  King,  and  a  Polemarcb  One  is  elected  from  each  tribe 
They  are  examined  first  of  all  by  the  Council  of  Five  Hun 
dred,  with  the  exception  of  the  deck.  The  latter  is  exam 
ined  only  in  the  law-court,  like  other  magistrates  (for  all 
magistrates,  whether  elected  by  lot  or  open  vote,  are  exam- 
ined before  entering  on  their  offices);  but  the  nine  Archons 
are  examined  both  in  the  Council  and  again  in  the  law- 
court.  Formerly,  no  one  could  hold  the  office  if  the  Coun- 
cil rejected  him,  but  now  there  is  an  appeal  to  the  law-court 
which  is  the  final  authority  in  the  matter  of  the  examination. 
When  they  are  examined,  they  are  asked  first,  "Who  is 
your  father,  and  of  what  deme?  who  is  your  father's 
father?  who  is  your  mother?  who  is  your  mother's  father, 
and  of  what  deme  ?  "  Then  the  candidate  is  asked  whether 
he  possesses  an  ancestral  Apollo  and  a  household  Zeus,  and 
where  their  sanctuaries  are  ;  next  if  he  possesses  a  family 
tomb,  and  where  ;  then  if  he  treats  his  parents  well,  and 
pays  his  taxes  and  has  served  on  the  required  military  expe- 
ditions. When  the  examiner  has  put  these  questions,  he 
proceeds,  "Call  the  witnesses  to  these  facts;"  and  when 
the  candidate  has  produced  his  witnesses  he  next  asks, 
"  Does  any  one  wish  to  make  any  accusation  against  this 
man  ?  "  If  an  accuser  appears  he  gives  the  parties  an  oppor- 
tunity of  making  their  accusation  and  defence,  and  then  puts 
it  to  the  Council  to  pass  the  candidate  or  not,  and  to  the 
law-court  to  give  the  final  vote.  If  no  one  wishes  to  make 
an  accusation,  he  proceeds  at  once  to  the  vote.  Formerly  a 
single  individual  gave  the  vote,  but  now  all  the  members  are 
obliged  to  vote  on  the  candidates,  so  if  any  unprincipled 
candidate  has  managed  to  get  rid  of  his  accusers,  it  may 
Btill  be  possible  for  him  to  be  disqualified  before  the  law- 
couit.  When  the  examination  has  been  thus  completed, 
they  proceed  to  the  stone  on  which  are  the  pieces  of  the 
victims,  and  on  which  the  arbitrators  take  oath  before  de- 
claring their  decisions,  and  witnesses  swear  to  their  testi- 
mony. On  this  stone  the  Archons  sta,nd  and  swear  to  exe- 
cute their  office  uprightly  and  according  to  the  laws,  and 
not  to  receive  presents  in  respect  of  the  performance  of  the 
duties  or,  if  they  do,  to  dedicate  a  golden  statue.  When 
they  have  taken  this  oath,  they  proceed  to  the  Acropolis, 
and  there  they  repeat  it;  after  this  they  enter  upon  their 
office. 


THE    ATHENIAN    CONSTITUTION. 


27 


The  Arclion,  the  King,  and  the  Polemarch  have  each  two 
assessors  ;  they  appoint  whomsoever  they  please  to  the  post, 
but  tlie  nominees  are  examined  in  the  law-court  before  they 
begin  to  act,  and  give  in  accounts  on  each  occasion  of  their 
acting. 

As  soon  as  the  Archon  enters  office,  he  begins  by  issuing 
a  proclamation  that  whatever  any  one  possessed  before  he 
entered  the  office,  that  he  shall  possess  and  hold  until  the 
end  of  his  term  (pp.  101-103). 

1.  What  was  the  object  of  each  of  the  questions  asked  of 
the  newly  elected  officers?  2.  What  do  the  changes  in  the 
form  of  the  procedure  tell  you  of  the  development  of  the 
constitution?  3.  Wliy  did  the  Archons  take  oath  standing 
on  tlie  stone?  4.  What  is  the  meaning  of  the  proclamatiou 
of  the  Archou  ? 

IX.     Commissioners  op  Games. 

There  are  also  ten  Commissioners  of  Games,  elected  by 
lot,  one  from  each  tribe.  These  officers,  after  passing  an  e.-c- 
aniination,  serve  for  four  years  ;  and  they  manage  the  Pana- 
thenaic  procession,  the  contest  in  music  and  that  in  gymnas- 
tic, and  the  horse-race  ;  they  also,  in  conjunction  with  the 
Council,  see  to  the  making  of  the  robe  of  Athena,  and  the 
vases,  and  they  present  the  oil  to  the  athletes.  This  oil  is 
collected  from  the  sacred  olives.  The  Archon  requisitions  it 
from  the  owners  of  the  farms  on  wliich  the  sacred  olives 
grow,  to  the  amount  of  three-quarters  of  a  pint  from  each 
plant.  Formerly,  the  state  used  to  sell  the  fruit  itself,  ami 
if  anyone  dug  up  or  broke  down  one  of  the  sacred  olives,  h( 
•was  tried  by  the  Council  of  Areopagus,  and  if  he  was  con. 
demned,  the  penalty  was  death.  Since,  however,  the  oil  has 
been  paid  by  the  owner  of  the  farm,  the  procedure  ha.s 
lapsed,  though  the  law  remains.  The  State  takes  the  oil 
from  the  shoots,  not  from  the  stem  of  the  plants.  AVheu 
then  the  Archon  has  collected  his  oil  for  his  year  of  office, 
he  hands  it  over  to  the  Treasurers,  to  preserve  iif  the  Acropo- 
lis until  the  Panathena;a,  when  they  measure  it  out  to  the 
Commissioners  of  Games,  and  they  again  to  the  victorious 
competitors.  The  prizes  for  the  victors  in  the  musical  con- 
test consist  of  silver  and  gold,  for  the  victors  in  manly  vigor, 
of  shields,  and  for  the  victors  in  the  gymnastic  contest  and 
the  horse-race,  of  oil. 

All  officers  connected  with  military  service  are  elected  by 
open  vote.  The  generals  were  formerly  elected  one  from 
each  tribe,  but  now  they  are  chosen  from  the  whole  mass  of 
citizens  (dp.  110-112). 


28  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

1.  Why  were  the  games  so  important?  (See  the  extracts 
in  the  September  Monthly).  2.  Why  was  it  such  a  crime 
to  injure  the  olives  ?  3.  Why  should  the  oil  be  given  to  vic- 
tors in  gymnastic  contests  and  horse-races  ?  4.  Which  was 
the  better,  the  earlier  or  later  way  of  electing  a  general? 

X.  Election  and  Pay  ob  Magistrates. 

Of  the  magistrates  elected  by  lot  in  former  times  some, 
including  the  nine  Archons,  were  elected  out  of  the  tribe  aa 
a  whole,  while  others,  namely  those  who  are  now  elected  in 
the  Theseum,  were  appointed  among  the  demes  ;  but  since 
the  demes  used  to  sell  the  elections,  these  magistrates  too 
are  now  elected  from  the  whole  tribe,  except  the  members 
of  the  council  and  the  guards  of  the  dock-yards,  who  are 
still  left  to  the  demes. 

Pay  is  received  for  the  following  services  :  First,  the  mem- 
bers of  the  Assembly  receive  a  drachma  for  the  ordinary 
meetings,  and  nine  obols  for  the  "sovereign"  meeting. 
Then  the  jurors  at  the  law-courts  receive  three  obols ;  and 
the  members  of  the  council,  five  obols.  The  Prytanes  re- 
ceivean  allowance  for  their  maintenance.  .  .  .  The  nine 
Archons  receive  four  obols  apiece  for  maintenance,  and  also 
keep  a  herald  and  a  flute  player  ;  and  the  Archon  for  Sal- 
amis  receives  a  drachma  a  day.  The  Commissioners  for 
Games  dine  in  the  Prytaneum  during  the  month  of  Heca- 
tombfeon  in  which  the  Panthenaic  festival  takes  place,  from 
the  fourteenth  day  onwards.  The  Amphictyonic  deputies  to 
Delos  receive  a  drachma  a  day  from  the  exchequer  of  Delos. 
Also  all  magistrates  sent  to  Samos,  Scyros,  Lemnos,  or  Im- 
bros  receive  an  allowance  for  their  maintenance. 

The  military  offices  may  be  held  any  number  of  times,  but 
none  of  the  others  more  than  once,  except  the  membership 
of  the  Council,  which  may  be  held  twice  (pp.  114-115). 

1.  Was  the  new  mot  hod  of  electing  masiistrates  better 
than  the  old?  2.  Why  should  a  citizen  be  allowed  to  hold 
military  offices  any  number  of  times,  but  not  the  others? 
8.   Were  the  officers  well  paid  ? 

XI.  The  Juries. 

The  juries  for  the  law-courts  are  chosen  by  lot  by  the  nine 
Archons,  each  for  their  own  tribe,  and  by  the  clerk  to  the 
Thesmothetae  for  the  tenth.  There  are  ten  entrances  into 
the  court,  one  for  each  tribe  ;  a  hundred  chests,  ten  for  each 
tribe;  and  ten  otiier  chests  in  which  are  placed  the  tickets  of 
the  jurors  on  whom  the  lot  falls.  -  Also  two  vases  and  a  num- 
ber of  staves,  equal  to  that  of  the  jurors  required,  are  placed 


THE    ATHENIAN    CONSTITUTION. 


29 


by  the  side  of  eac-h  entrance;  and  counters  are  put  into  one 
vase  equal  in  number  to  the  staves.  These  are  inscribed 
with  letters  of  the  alphabet  beginning  with  eleventh 
(lambda),  equal  in  number  to  the  courts  which  require  to 
be  filled.  All  persons  above  thirty  years  of  age  are  qualified 
to  serve  as  jurors,  provided  they  are  not  debtors  to  the  state 
and  have  not  lost  their  civil  rights.  If  any  unqualified  per- 
son serves  as  juror,  an  information  is  laid  against  him^  and 
he  is  brought  before  the  court ;  and,  if  he  is  convicted,  the 
jurors  assess  the  punishment  or  fine  which  they  consider 
him  to  deserve.  If  he  is  condemned  to  a  money  fine,  he 
must  be  imprisoned  till  he  has  paid  up  both  the  original 
debt,  on  account  of  which  the  information  was  laid  against 
him,  and  also  the  fine  which  the  court  has  laid  upon  him. 
Each  juror  has  a  ticket  of  box-wood  on  which  is  inscribed 
his  name  with  the  name  of  his  father  and  his  derae,  and  one 
of  the  letters  of  the  alphabet  up  to  kappa  ;  for  the  jurors 
are  divided  into  ten  sections  according  to  their  tribes,  with 
approximately  an  equal  number  from  each  tribe  in  each 
letter.  When  the  Thesmothetes  has  decided  by  lot  which 
letters  are  required  to  attend  at  the  courts,  the  servant  puts 
up  above  each  court  the  letter  which  has  been  assigned  to  it 
by  the  lot  (pp.  115-116). 

1.  Do  the  law-courts  play  an  important  part  in  the  life  of 
Athens?  ,Give  all  the  proofs  that  can  be  found  in  the  above 
extracts.  2.  Were  they  more  influential  in  Aristotle's  day 
than  before?  3.  What  subdivision  of  the  Athenian  people 
runs  through  the  whole  constitution  ?  4.  Cite  all  the  ca.si's 
of  it  found  in  the  extracts.  5.  In  what  things  do  the  Aliien- 
ians  appear  to  be  undemocratic  and  illiberal  judged  by  our 
standards  ? 


SPARTAN  LIFE. 


(31) 


CHAPTER  HI. 


SPARTAN  LIFE. 

Xenophon:  The   Hellenica.     Translated    by    H. 
G.   Dakjns,  M.  A.     2   vols.     Macmillan  & 
'  Co.,  New  York,  1892. 

Contrary  to  tlie  usual  practice,  I  have 
chosen  the  material  for  the  study  of  ''Spar- 
tan Life"  from  the  writings  of  Xeno- 
phon, instead  of  from  the  "Life  of  Lycurgus''  by 
Plutarch.  I  did  this  for  two  reasons:  the  first 
was  a  matter  of  expediency  and  the  second  of 
method.  •  Plutarch's  lives  are  in  the  hands  of 
every  boy  and  girl.  The  works  of  Xenophon 
are  not.  Moreover,  Xenophon's  "Polity  of  the 
Lacedaemonians,"  contained  in  the  second  vol- 
ume with  the  "Hellenica,"  is  probably  one  of  the 
oldest  of  Plutarch's  sources.  For  in  the  intro- 
duction to  his  "Life  of  Lycurgus"  he  mentions 
as  his  sources  Xenophon  (444  B.  C),  Aristotle 
(384  B.  C),  Timaius  (359  B.  C),  Eratosthenes 
(272  B.  C),  Apollodorus  (150  B.  C).  Plutarch 
himself  was  born  about  50  A.  D.  All  these 
dates  are,  of  course,  only  approximate.  Xeno- 
phon, it  would  seem,  lived  some  five  hundred 
years  before  Plutarch,  and  consequently  five 
hundred  years  nearer  the  time  of  Lycurgus — if 
Lycuigus  ever  lived  at  all. 

Plutarch,  in  writing  of  the  beginnings  of 
Spartan  government,  bore  the  same  time  rela- 
tion to  his  subject  that  I  should  bear  to  my  sub- 
ject were  I  to  write  the  history  of  the  First  Cru- 
sade (109G).  ~  And  if,  in  writing  this  history,  I 
made  use  of  the  works  of  a  writer  who  in  13!)() 
wrote  about  the  First  Crusade,  that  writer 
(32) 


SPARTAN    LIFE.  33 

would  stand  between  me  and  my  subject  just  as 
Xenophon  stands  between  Plutarch  and  his 
subject. 

In  making  use  of  these  extracts  from  Xeno- 
phon one  thing  should  not  be  forgotten.  When 
he  speaks  of  Spartan  institutions  as  they  ex- 
isted in  his  day  he  speaks  as  an  eye  witness  and 
as  a  competent  one,  too.  He  was  an  intimate 
friend  of  the  Spartan  king,  Agesilaus,  lived  for 
a  long  time  in  the  vicinity  of  Sparta,  and  as  a 
general  of  ability  was  a  competent  judge  of  the 
Spartan  military  system.  An  excellent  exer- 
cise would  be  a  comparison  of  these  extracts 
with  the  portions  of  Plutarch  that  deal  with 
the  same  topics. 

SPARTAN    SUPREMACY   AND    SPARTAN    INSTITUTIONS. 

I  recall  the  astonishment  with  which  I  first  noted  the 
unique  position  of  Sparta  amongst  the  states  of  Hellas, 
the  relatively  sparse  population,  and  at.  the  same  time 
the  extraordinary  powers  and  prestige  of  the  com- 
munity. I  was  puzzled  to  account  for  the  fact.  It  was 
only  when  I  came  to  consider  the  peculiar  institutions 
of  the  Spartans,  that  my  wonderment  ceased.  Or 
rather,  it  is  transferred  to  the  legislator  who  gave  them 
those  laws,  obedience  to  which  has  been  the  secret  of 
their  prosperity.  This  legislator,  Lycurgus,  I  must 
needs  admire,  and  hold  him  to  have  been  one  of  the 
wisest  of  mankind.  Certainly  he  was  no  servile 
imitator  of  other  states.  It  was  by  a  stroke  of  inven- 
tion rather,  and  on  a  pattern  much  in  opposition  to  the 
commonly  accepted  one,  that  he  brought  his  father- 
land to  this  pinacle  of  prosperity.     (Vol.  II,  295.) 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  What  object  did  Xenophon  evidently  have  In  writ- 
ing his  "Polity  of  the  Lacedaemonians"?  2.  Why 
should  the  fact  stated  in  the  first  sentence  puzzle  him? 
3.  How  did  he  finally  explain  it?  4.  Did  it  necessarily 
follow  that  Lycurgus  had  lived,  because  Xenophon  saw 
in  Sparta  certain  institutions  attributed  to  Lycurgus? 

EDUCATION   OF   CHILDREN. 

I  wish  now  to  explain  the  systems  of  education  In 
fashion  here  and  elsewhere.     Throughout  the   rest   of 


34  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

Hellas  the  custom  on  the  part  of  those  who  claimed  to 
educate  their  sons  in  the  best  way  is  as  follows:  As 
soon  as  the  children  are  of  an  age  to  understand  what 
is  said  to  them  they  are  immediately  placed  under  the 
charge  of  Paidagogoi  (or  Tutors),  who  are  also  attend- 
ants, and  sent  off  to  the  school  of  some  teacher  to  be 
taught  "grammar,"  "music,"  and  the  concerns  of  the 
Palestra*.  Besides  this  they  are  given  shoes  to  wear 
which  tend  to  make  their  feet  tender,  and  their  bodies 
are  enervated  by  various  changes  of  clothing.  And  as 
for  food,  the  only  measure  recognized  is  that  which  is 
fixed  by  appetite. 

But  when  we  turn  to  Lycurgus,  instead  of  leaving  it 
to  each  member  of  the  state  privately  to  appoint  a 
slave  to  be  his  son's  tutor,  he  set  over  the  young  Spar- 
tans a  public  guardian,  the  Paidonomos  or  "Pastor," 
to  give  him  his  proper  title,  with  complete  authority 
over  them.  This  guardian  was  selected  from  those  who 
filled  the  highest  magistracies.  He  had  authority  to 
hold  musters  of  the  bojs,  and  as  their  overseer,  in  case 
of  any  misbehavior,  to  chastise  severely.  The  legis- 
lator further  provided  the  pastor  with  a  body  of  youths 
in  the  prime  of  life  and  bearing  whips  to  inflict  pun- 
ishment when  necessary,  with  this  happy  result,  that 
in  Sparta  modesty  and  obedience  ever  go  hand  in  hand, 
nor  is  there  lack  of  either. 

Instead  of  softening  their  feet  with  shoe  or  sandal, 
his  rule  was  to  make  them  hardy  through  going  bare- 
foot. This  habit,  if  practiced,  would,  as  he  believed, 
enable  them  to.  scale  heights  more  easily  and  clamber 
down  precipices  with  less  danger.  In  fact,  with  his 
feet  so  trained  the  young  Spartan  would  leap  and  spring 
and  run  faster  unshod  than  another  shod  in  the 
ordinary  way. 

Instead  of  making  them  effeminate  with  a  variety 
of  clothes,  his  rule  was  to  habituate  them  to  a  single 
garment  the  whole  year  through,  thinking  that  so 
they  would  be  better  prepared  to  withstand  the  varia- 
tions of  heat  and  cold. 

Again,  as  regards  food,  according  to  his  regulation, 
the  Eiren,  or  head  of  the  flock,  must  see  that  his  mess- 
mates gather  to  the  club  meal  with  such  moderate  food 
as  to  avoid  that  heaviness  which  is  engendered  by 
repletion  and  yet  not  to  remain  altogether  unacquainted 
*  Wrestling  school. 


SPARTAN    LIFE. 


35 


with  the  pains  of  penurious  living.  His  belief  was  that 
by  such  training  in  boyhood  they  would  be  better  able 
when  occasion  demanded  to  continue  toiling  on  an 
empty  stomach.  They  would  be  all  the  fitter,  if  the 
word  of  command  were  given,  to  remain  on  the  stretch 
for  a  long  time  without  extra  dieting.  The  craving  for 
luxuries  would  be  less,  the  readiness  to  take  any 
victuals  set  before  them  greater,  and,  in  general,  the 
regime  would  be  found  more  healthy.  Under  it  he 
thought  the  lads  would  increase  in  stature  and  shape 
into  finer  men,  since,  as  he  maintained,  a  dietary  which 
gave  suppleness  to  the  limbs  must  be  more  conducive 
to  both  ends  than  one  which  added  thickness  to  the 
bodily  parts  by  feeding. 

On  the  other  hand,  to  guard  against  a  too  great  pinch 
of  starvation,  though  he  did  not  actually  allow  the  boys 
to  help  themselves  without  further  trouble  to  what 
they  needed  more,  he  did  give  them  permission  to  steal 
this  thing  or  that  in  the  effort  to  alleviate  their  hunger. 
It  was  not  of  course  from  any  real  difficulty  how  else 
to  supply  them  with  nutriment  that  he  left  it  with 
them  to  provide  themselves  by  this  crafty  method. 
Nor  can  I  conceive  that  any  one  will  so  misinterpret 
the  custom.  Clearly  its  explanation  lies  in  the  fact, 
that  he  who  would  live  the  life  of  a  robber  must  forego 
sleep  •  by  night,  and  in  the  daytime  he  must  employ 
shifts  and  lie  in  ambuscade;  he  must  prepare  and 
make  ready  his  scouts,  etc.,  if  he  is  to  succeed  in  cap- 
turing the  quarry.     (Vol.  II,  297-301.) 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  What  object  did  the  Spartans  evidently  have  in 
view  in  educating  their  children?  Give  full  proof. 
2.  Did  the  training  accomplish  this  end?  (See  Public 
Mess-rooms).  3.  What  would  you  criticise  in  the  sys- 
tem? 4.  How  would  the  Spartan  reply  to  your  crit- 
icisms? 5.  Name  all  that  was  really  good  in  the  sys- 
tem? 

TRAINING  OF  THE  YOUTH. 

Coming  to  the  critical  period  at  which  a  boy  ceases 
to  be  a  boy  and  becomes  a  youth,  we  find  that  it  is  just 
then  that  the  rest  of  the  world  proceeds  to  emancipate 
their  children  from  the  private  tutor  and  the  school- 
master, and,  without  substituting  any  further  ruler,  are 
content  to  launch  them  into  absolute  independence. 

Here,  again,  Lycurgus  took  an  entirely  opposite  view 


3)  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

of  the  matter.  This,  if  observation  might  be  trusted, 
was  the  season  when  the  tide  of  animal  spirit  flows 
fast  and  a  froth  of  insolence  rises  to  the  surface;  when, 
too,  the  most  violent  appetites  for  divers  pleasures,  in 
serried  ranks  invade  the  mind.  This,  then,  was  the 
right  moment,  at  which  to  impose  ten  fold  labors  upon 
the  growing  youth,  and  to  devise  for  him  a  subtle 
system  of  absorbing  occupation.  And  by  a  crowning 
enactment,  which  said  that  "He  who  shrank  from  the 
duties  imposed  on  him,  would  forfeit  henceforth  all 
claim  to  the  glorious  honors  of  the  state,"  he  caused, 
not  only  the  public  authorities,  but  those  personally 
interested  in  the  several  companies  of  youths  to  take 
serious  pains  so  that  no  single  individual  of  them 
should  by  an  act  of  craven  cowardice  find  himself 
utterly  rejected  and  reprobate  within  the  body  politic. 
Furthermore,  in  his  desire  firmly  to  implant  in  their 
youthful  soifls  a  root  of  modesty,  he  imposed  upon 
these  bigger  boys  a  special  rule.  In  the  very  streets 
they  were  to  keep  their  two  hands  within  the  folds 
of  their  coat;  they  were  to  walk  in  silence  and  with- 
out turning  their  heads  to  gaze,  now  here,  now  there, 
but  rather  to  keep  their  eyes  fixed  upon  the  gi-ound 
before  them.  And  hereby  it  would  seem  to  be  proved 
conclusively  that,  even  in  the  matter  of  quiet  bearing 
and  sobriety,  the  masculine  type  may  claim  greater 
strength  than  that  which  we  attribute  to  the  nature  of 
women.  At  any  rate,  you  might  sooner  expect  a  stone 
image  to  find  voice  than  one  of  those  Spartan  youths; 
to  divert  the  eyes  of  some  bronze  statue  were  less  diffi- 
cult. And  as  to  quiet  bearing,  no  bride  ever  stepped 
in  bridal  bower  with  more  natural  modesty.  Note 
them  when  they  have  reached  the  public  table.  The 
plainest  answer  to  the  question  asked, — that  is  all  you 
need  expect  to  hear  from  their  lips.  (Vol.  II,  302-303.) 
QUESTIONS. 

1.  Which  of  the  two  methods  of  dealing  with  youth- 
described  by  Xenophon — was  the  more  scientific? 
Why?  2.  What  three  things  did  the  Spartans  insist 
upon?  3.  What  were  the  good  results  produced  by  this 
training?  4.  What  kind  of  weakness  did  the  Spartan 
especially  abhor? 

PUBLIC    MESS-ROOMS. 

The  above  is  a  fairly  exhaustive  statement  of  the 
Institutions  tracable  to  the  legislature  of  Lycurgus  in 


SPARTAN    LIFE.  tj  i 

connection  with  the  successive  stages  of  a  citizen's  life. 
It  remains  that  I  should  endeavor  to  describe  the  style 
of  living  which  he  established  for  the  whole  body,  irre- 
spective of  age.  It  will  be  understood  that,  when 
Lycurgus  first  came  to  deal  with  the  question,  the 
Spartans,  like  the  rest  of  the  Hellenes,  used  to  mess 
privately  at  home.  Tracing  more  than  half  the  current 
misdemeanors  to  this  custom,  he  was  determined  to 
drag  his  people  out  of  holes  and  corners  into  the  broad 
daylight,  and  so  he  invented  the  public  mess-rooms. 
Whereby  he  expected  at  any  rate  to  minimize  the  trans- 
gression of  orders. 

As  to  food,  his  ordinance  allowed  them  so  much  as, 
while  not  inducing  repletion,  should  guard  them  from 
actual  want.  And,  in  fact,  there  are  many  exceptional 
dishes  in  the  shape  of  game  supplied  from  the  hunting 
field.  Or,  as  a  substitute  for  these,  rich  men  will  oc- 
casionally garnish  the  feast  with  wheaten  loaves.  So 
that  from  beginning  to  end,  till  the  mess  breaks  up  the 
common  board  is  never  stinted  for  viands  nor  yet 
extravagantly  furnished. 

So  also  in  the  matter  of  drink.  While  putting  a  stop 
to  all  unnecessary  potations,  detrimental  alike  to  a  firm 
brain  and  a  steady  gait,  he  left  them  free  to  quench 
thirst  w^hen  nature  dictated;  a  method  which  would  at 
once  add  to  the  pleasure  whilst  it  diminished  the  danger 
of  drinking.  And  indeed  one  may  fairly  ask  how,  on 
such  a  system  of  common  meals,  it  would  be  possible 
for  any  one  to  ruin  either  himself  or  his  family  through 
either  gluttony  or  wine  bibbing. 

This,  too,  must  be  borne  in  mind,  that  in  other  states 
equals  in  age,  for  the  most  part,  associate  together,  and 
such  an  atmosphere  is  little  conducive  to  modesty. 
Whereas  in  Sparta,  Lycurgus  was  careful  so  to  blend 
the  ages  that  the  younger,  men  must  benefit  largely  by 
the  experience  of  the  elders.  .  .  .  Amongst  other 
good  results  obtained  through  this  outdoor  system  of 
meals  may  be  mentioned  these:  There  is  the  necessity 
of  walking  home  when  a  meal  is  over,  and  a  consequent 
anxiety  not  to  be  caught  tripping  under  the  influence  of 
wine,  since  they  all  know  of  course  that  the  supper 
table  must  be  presently  abandoned  and  that  they  must 
move  as  freely  in  the  dark  as  in  the  day,  even  the  help 
of  a  torch  to  guide  the  steps  being  forbidden  to  all  on 
active  service. 


(521046 


38  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

At  any  rate,  it  would  be  hard  to  discover  a  liealtMer 
or  more  completely  developed  human  being,  physically 
speaking,  than  the  Srartan.     Their  gymnastic  training, 
in  fact,  makes  demands  alike  on  the  legs  and  arms  and, 
neck,  et  cetera,  simultaneously.     (Vol.  II,  305-307.) 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  Is  there  any  relation  between  the  eating  and  drink- 
ing of  the  Spartan  and  his  ideal?  2.  What  was  his 
ideal?  Prove  it.  3.  Did  the  Spartan  condemn  hard 
drinking  because  it  was  immoral?  4.  What  prevented 
the  adult  Spartan  from  violating  the  rules?  5.  Point 
out  all  the  good  effects  of  these  common  meals. 

AX  ILL-STARRED  EXISTENCE  FOR  THE  COWARD. 
The  following,  too,  may  well  excite  our  admiration, 
for  Lycurgus.  I  speak  of  the  consummate  skill  with 
which  he  induced  the  whole  state  of  Sparta  to  regard 
an  honorable  death  as  preferable  to  an  ignoble  life. 
And  indeed,  if  any  one  will  investigate  the  matter,  he 
will  find  that  by  comparison  with  those  who  make  it  a 
principle  to  retreat  in  face  of  danger,  actually  fewer  of 
these  Spartans  die  in  battle  since,  to  speak  truth,  salva- 
tion, it  would  seem,  attends  on  virtue  far  more  fre- 
quently than  on  cowardice.     .     .     . 

Yet  the  actual  means  by  which  he  gave  currency  to 
these  principles  is  a  point  which  it  were  well  not  to 
overlook.  -  It  is  clear  that  the  lawgiver  set  himself 
deliberately  to  provide  all  the  blessings  of  heaven  for 
the  good  man,  and  a  sorry  and  ill-starred  existence  for 
the  coward. 

In  other  states  the  man  who  shows  himself  base  and 
cowardly,  wins  to  himself  an  evil  reputation  and  the 
nickname  of  a  coward,  but  that  is  all.  For  the  rest  he 
buys  and  sells  in  the  same  market  place  with  a  good 
man;  he  sits  beside  him  at  the  play;  he  exercises  with 
him  in  the  same  gymnasium;  and  all  as  suits  hia 
humor.  But  at  Lacedgemon  there  is  not  one  man  who 
would  not  feel  ashamed  to  welcome  the  coward  at  the 
common  mess-tables  or  to  try  conclusions  with  such  an 
antagonist  in  a  wrestling  bout.  Consider  the  day's 
round  of  his  existence.  The  sides  are  being  picked  up 
in  a  foot-ball  match,  but  he  is  left  out  as  the  odd  man; 
there  is  no  place  for  him.  During  the  Choric  dance  he 
is  driven  away  into  ignominious  quarters.  Nay,  in  the 
very  streets,  it  is  he  who  must  step  aside  for  others 
to  pass,  or,  being  seated,  he  must  rise  and  make  room 


SPARTAN    LIFE.  39 

even  for  a  younger  man.  At  liome  lie  will  have  his, 
maiden  relatives  to  support  in  their  isolation  (and  they 
will  hold  him  to  blame  for  their  unwedded  lives).  A 
hearth  with  no  wife  to  bless  it — that  is  the  condition  he 
must  face — and  yet  he  will  have  to  pay  damages  to  the 
last  farthing  for  incurring  it.  Let  him  not  roam 
abroad  with  a  smooth  and  smiling  countenance;  let 
him  not  imitate  men  whose  fame  is  irreproachable,  or 
he  shall  feel  on  his  back  the  blows  of  his  superiors; 
such  being  the  weight  of  infamy  which  is  laid  upon  all 
cowards,  I,  for  my  part,  am  not  surprised,  if  in  Sparta 
they  deem  death  preferable  to  a  life  so  steeped  in  dis- 
honor and  reproach.     (Vol.  II,   311-312.) 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  Why  does  "Salvation  attend  on  virtue  (what  did 
the  Spartan  understand  by  virtue?)  more  frequently 
than  on  cowardice?"  2.  Why  should  the  position  of 
the  coward  in  Sparta  differ  so  much  from  his  position 
in  other  sta.tes?  3.  Give  all  the  reasons  why  a  Spartan 
preferred  to  die  in  battle  rather  than  to  flee?  4.  How 
would  this  treatment  help  to  realize  the  Spartan  ideal? 

THE   PRACTICE  OF   EVERY  VIRTUE   ENFORCED. 

That,  too,  was  a  happy  enactment,  in  my  opinion,  by 
which  Lycurgus  provided  for  the  continual  cultivation 
of  virtues,  even  to  old  age.  By  fixing  the  election  to 
the  Council  of  Elders  as  a  last  ordeal  at  the  goal  of 
life,  he  made  it  impossible  for  a  high  standard  of  vir- 
tuous living  to  be  disregarded  even  in  old  age.  (So, 
too,  it  is  worthy  of  admiration  in  him  that  he  lent  his 
helping  hand  to  a  virtuous  old  age.  Thus,  by  making 
the  elders  sole  arbiters  in  the  trial  for  life,  he  con- 
trived to  charge  old  age  with  a  greater  weight  of  honor 
than  that  which  is  accorded  to  the  strength  of  mature 
manhood.)  And  assuredly  such  a  contest  as  this  must 
appeal  to  the  zeal  of  mortal  man  beyond  all  others  in 
a  supreme  degree.  Fair,  doubtless,  are  contests  of 
gymnastic  skill,  yet  are  they  trials  of  but  bodily  ex- 
cellence, but  this  contest  for  the  seniory  is  of  a  higher 
sort— it  is  an  ordeal  of  the  soul  itself.  In  proportion, 
therefore,  'as  the  soul  is  worthier  than  the  body,  so 
must  these  contests  of  the  soul  appeal  to  a  stronger 
enthusiasm  than  their  bodiiy  antitypes. 

And  yet  another  point  may  well  excite  our  admira- 
tion for  Lycurgus  largely.  It  had  not  escaped  his 
observation  that  communities  exist  where   those  who 


40  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

are  willing  to  make  virtue  their  study  and  delight  fail 
somehow  in  ability  to  add  to  the  glory  of  the  father- 
land. That  lesson  the  legislator  laid  to  heart,  and'  in 
Sparta  he  enforced,  as  a  matter  of  public  duty,  the 
practice  of  every  virtue  by  every  citizen.  And  so  it  is 
that,  just  as  man  differs  from  man  in  some  excellence, 
according  as  he  cultivates  or  neglects  to  cultivate  it, 
this  city  of  Sparta,  with  good  reason,  outshines  all 
other  states  in  virtue;  since  she,  and  she  alone,  has 
made  the  attainment  of  a  high  standard  of  noble  living 
a  public  duty. 

And  was  not  this  a  noble  enactment,  that  whereas 
other  states  are  content  to  inflict  punishment  only  in 
cases  where  a  man  does  wrong  against  his  neighbor, 
Lycurgus  imposed  penalties  no  less  severe  on  him  who 
openly  neglected  to  make  himself  as  good  as  possible? 
For  this,  it  seems,  was  his  principle:  in  the  one  case, 
where  a  man  is  robbed,  or  defrauded,  or  kidnapped, 
and  made  a  slave  of,  the  injury  of  the  misdeed,  what- 
ever it  be,  is  personal  to  the  individual  so  maltreated; 
but  in  the  other  case,  whole  communities  suffer  foul 
treason  at  the  hands  of  a  base  man  and  the  coward. 
So  that  it  was  only  reasonable,  in  my  opinion,  that  he 
should  visit  the  heaviest  penalty  upon  these  latter. 

Moreover,  he  laid  upon  them,  like  some  irresistible 
necessity,  the  obligation  to  cultivate  the  whole  virtue 
of  a  citizen.  Provided  they  duly  perform  the  injunc- 
tions of  the  law,  the  city  belonged  to  them  each  and  all, 
in  absolute  possession,  and  on  an  equal  footing.  Weak- 
ness of  limb  or  want  of  wealth  was  no  drawback  in 
his  eyes.  But  as  for  him  who,  out  of  the  cowardice  of 
his  heart,  shrank  from  the  painful  performance  of  the 
law's  injunction,  the  finger  of  the  legislator  pointed 
him  out  as  there  and  then  disqualified  to  be  regarded 
longer  as  a  member  of  the  brotherhood  of  peers. 

It  may  be  added,  that  there  is  no  doubt  as  to  the  great 
antiquity  of  this  code  of  laws.  .  .  .  But  being  of 
so  long  standing,  these  laws,  even  at  this  day,  still  are 
stamped  in  the  eyes  of  other  men  with  all  of  the  nov- 
elty of  youth.  And  the  most  marvelous  thing  of  all 
is  that,  while  everybody  is  agreed  to  praise  these  re- 
markable institutions,  there  is  not  a  single  state  which 
cares  to  imitate  them.     (V'ol.  II,  312-314.) 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  Explain  the  relation  of  the  Council  of  Elders  to 


SPARTAN    LIFE.  41 

the  Spartan  system.  2.  Why  was  this  council  made 
up  of  old  men?  3.  What  was  the  highest  duty  of  the 
Spartan?  4.  What  do  you  think  of  the  distinction  made 
by  Xenophon  between  the  punishment  of  a  defrauder 
and  a  coward?  5.  What  one  thing  was  required  of  all 
men?  6.  Why  did  other  states  not  care  to  imitate 
Spartan  institutions? 

AIIMY  ORGANIZATION  AND   MILITARY  TACTICS. 

The  above  form  a  common  stock  of  blessings,  open 
to  every  Spartan  to  enjoy,  alike  in  peace  and  in  war. 
But  if  any  one  desires  to  be  informed  in  what  way  the 
legislator  improved  upon  the  ordinary  machinery  of 
warfare  and  in  reference  to  an  army  in  the  field,  it  is 
easy  to  satisfy  his  curiosily. 

In  the  first  instance,  the  ephors  announce  in  proc- 
lamation the  limit  of  age  to  which  the  service  applies 
for  cavalry  and  heavy  infantry;  and  in  the  next  place, 
for  the  various  handicraft  men.  So  that,  even  on  active 
service,  the  Lacedaemonians  are  well  supplied  with  all 
the  conveniences  enjoyed  by  people  living  as  citizens  at 
home.  All  the  implements  and  instruments  whatso- 
ever, which  an  army  may  need  in  common,  are  ordered 
to  be  in  readiness,  some  on  wagons  and  others  on  bag- 
gage animals.  In  this  way  anything  omitted  can  hardly- 
escape  detection. 

For  the  actual  encounter  under  arms,  the  following 
inventions  are  attributed  to  him:  The  soldier  has  a 
crimson  colored  uniform  and  a  heavy  shield  of  bronze; 
his  theory  being  that  such  an  equipment  has  no  sort  of 
feminine  association,  and  is  altogether  most  warrior- 
like. It  is  most  quickly  burnished;  it  is  least  readily 
soiled. 

He  further  permitted  those  who  were  about  the  age 
of  early  manhood  to  wear  their  hair  long.  For  so,  he 
conceived,  they  would  appear  of  larger  statue,  more 
free  and  indomiiable,  and  of  a  more  terrible  aspect. 

So  furnished  and  accoutred,  he  divided  his  citizen 
soldiers  into  six  moral  (or  regimental  divisions)  of 
cavalry  and  heavy  infantry.  Each  of  these  citizen  regi- 
ments (political  divisions)  has  one  polemarch  (or 
colonel),'  four  lochagoi  (or  captains  of  companies), 
eight  penteconters  (or  lieutenants,  each  in  command 
of  a  half  company),  and  sixteen  enomotarchs  (or  com- 
manders of  sections).  At  a  word  of  command  any  such 
regimental  division  can  be  formed  readily  either  into 
enomoties  (i.  e.  single  file)  or  into  threes  (i.  e.  three 
files  abreast),  or  injto  sixes  (i.  e.  six  files  abreast). 


42  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

As  to  the  idea,  commonly  entertained,  that  the 
tactical  arrangement  cf  the  Laconian  heavy  infantry 
is  highly  complicated,  no  conception  could  be  more 
opposed  to  facts.  For  in  the  Laconian  order  the  front 
rank  men  are  all  leaders,  so  that  each  file  has  every- 
thing necessary  to  play  its  part  efficiently.  In  fact,  this 
disposition  is  so  easy  to  understand  that  no  one  who 
can  distinguish  one  human  being  from  another  can 
fail  to  follow  it.  One  set  have  the  privilege  of  leader?, 
the  other  the  duty  of  followers.  The  evolutional 
orders  by  which  greater  depth  or  shallowness  is  given, 
to  the  battle  line,  are  given  by  word  of  mouth,  by  the 
enomotarch  (or  commander  of  the  section).,  and  they 
cannot  be  mistaken.  None  of  these  manoeuvers  pre- 
sents any  difficulty  whatsoever  to  the  understanding. 
J[Vol.  II,  314-3LG.) 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  Did  all  Spartans  perform  military  service?  2.  Was 
life  in  the  field  unpleasant?  3.  Prove  that  in  all  thiiigs 
V.e  Spartan  was  practical  and  his  aim  to  conquer. 
4.  How  many  officers  in  a  regiment?  5.  Compare  the 
tr.ctics  of  the  Spartan  with  those  of  a  modern  regiment. 
6.  Were  the  Spartans  superior  in  tactics  to  the  other 
Greeks? 

MODE   OP   ENCAMPMENT. 

I  will  now  speak  of  the  mode  of  encampment, 
sanctioned  by  the  regulation  of  Lycurgus.  To  avoid 
the  waste  incidental  to  the  angles  of  the  square,  the 
encampment,  according  to  him,  should  be  circular,  ex- 
cept where  there  was  the  security  of  a  hill  or  fortifica- 
tion, or  where  they  had  a  river  in  the  rear.  He  had 
sentinels  posted  during  the  day  along  the  place  of 
arms  and  facing  inwards;  since  they  are  appointed  not 
so  much  for  the  sake  of  the  enemy  as  to  keep  an  eye 
on  friends.  The  enemy  is  sufficiently  watched  by 
mounted  troopers  perched  on  various  points  command- 
ing the  widest  prospects. 

To  guard  against  hostile  approach  by  night,  sentinel 
duty  according  to  the  ordinance  was  performed  by  the 
Sciritse  outside  the  main  body.  At  the  present  time 
the  rule  is  so  far  modified  that  the  duty  is  entrusted  to 
foreigners,  if  there  be  a  foreign  contingent  present, 
with  a  leaven  of  Spartans  to  keep  them  company. 

The  custom  of  always  taking  their  spears  with  them 
■when  they  go  their  rounds  must  certainly  be  attributed 


SPARTAN    LIFE. 


43 


to  the  same  cause  which  makes  them  exclude  their 
slaves  from  a  place  of  arms.  ...  The  need  of  pre- 
caution is  the  whole  explanation. 

The  frequency  with  which  they  change  their  encamp- 
ment is  another  point.  It  is  done  quite  as  much  for 
the  sake  of  benefiting  their  fnends  as  annoying  thejj" 
enemies. 

Further,  the  law  enjoins  upon  all  Lacedaemonian^ 
during  the  whole  period  of  an  expedition,  the  constant 
practice  of  gymnastic  exercises,  whereby  their  pride  in 
themselves  Is  increased,  and  they  appear  freer  and  of 
'  a  more  liberal  aspect  than  the  rest,  of  the  world.  The 
walk  and  the  running  grounds  must  not  exceed  in 
length  the  space  covered  by  a  regimental  division,  so 
/.hat  one  may  find  himself  far  from  his  own  stand  of 
arms.  After  the  gymnastic  exercises,  the  senior  pole- 
march  gives  the  order  (by  herald)  to  be  seated.  This 
-.-?rves  all  the  purposes  of  an  inspection.  After  this 
the  order  is  given  "To  get  breakfast,"  and  for  "the 
outpost  to  be  relieved."  After  this,  again,  come  pas- 
times and  relaxations  before  the  evening  exercises, 
after  which  the  herald's  cry  is  heard  "To  take  the 
evening  meal."  When  they  have  sung  a  hymn  to  the 
gods  to  whom  the  offerings  of  happy  omen  have  been 
performed,  the  final  order,  "Retire  to  rest  at  the  place 
of  arms"  is  given.     (Vol.  II,  317-319.) 

QUESTIONS. 
1.  Why  should  the  Spartans  watch  their  friends? 
2.  Had  the  Spartan  military  system  changed  in  Xeno- 
phou's  day?  3.  How  did  they  show  their  ability  in 
handling  the  allies  that  camped  with  them?  4.  What 
proves  that  the  Spartans  realized  fully  the  conditions 
of  victory?    5.  Describe  "a  day  in  camp." 

COVENANT    BETWEEN    KING    AND    STATE. 

T  wish  to  explain  with  sufficient  detail  the  nature  of 
the  covenant  between  king  and  state  as  instituted  by 
Lycurgus;  for  this,  I  take  it,  is  the  sole  type  of  rule 
which  still  preserves  the  original  form  in  which  it  was 
first  established;  whereas  other  constitutions  will  be 
found  either  to  have  been  already  modified  or  else  to 
be  still  undergoing  modification  at  this  moment. 

Lycurgus  laid  it  down  as  law  that  the  king  shall  offer 
on  behalf  of  the  state  all  public  sacrifices,  as  being 
himself  of  divine  descent,  and  whithersoever  the  state 
shall  dispatch  her  armies  the  king  shall  take  the  lead. 


44  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

He  granted  him  to  receive  honorary  gifts  of  the  things 
offered  in  sacrilice,  and  hs  aypuiULed  iiim  choice  iaud 
in  many  of  the  provincial  cities,  enough  to  satisfy 
moderate  needs  without  excess  of  wealthy  And  in  order 
that  the  kings  might  also  encamp  and  mess  in  public 
he  appointed  them  public  quarters,  and  he  honored 
them  with  a  double  poxlion  each  at  the  evening  meal, 
not  in  order  that  they  might  actually  eat  twice  as 
much  as  others,  but  that  the  king  might  have  where- 
withal to  honor  whomsoever  he  desires.  He  also 
granted  as  a  gift  to  each  of  the  two  kings  to  choose 
two  mess-fellows,  which  same  -are  called  Tuthioi.  He' 
also  granted  them  to  receive  out  of  every  litter  of 
swine  one  pig,  so  that  the  king  might  never  be  at  a 
loss  for  victims  if  in  aught  he  wished  to  consult  the 
gods. 

Close  by  the  palace  a  lake  affords  an  unrestricted 
supply  of  water:  and  how  useful  that  is  for  various 
purposes  they  best  can  tell  who  lack  the  luxury.  More- 
over, all  rise  from  their  seats  to  give  place  to  the  king 
save  only  that  the  Ephors  rise  not  from  their  throne 
of  office.  Monthly  they  exchange  oaths,  the  Ephors 
in  behalf  of  the  state,  the  king  himself  in  his  own  be- 
half. And  this  is  the  oath  on  the  king's  part:  "I  will 
exercise  my  kingship  in  accordance  with  the  established 
laws  of  the  state."  And  on  the  part  of  the  state  the 
oath  runs:  "So  long  as  he  (who  exercises  kingship) 
shall  abide  by  his  oath  we  will  not  suffer  his  kingdom 
to  be  shaken."     (Vol.  II,  319-320.) 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  What  peculiar  thing  did  Xenophon  note  in  con- 
nection with  the  Spartan  constitution?  2.  Could  his 
statement  be  true?  3.  In  what  way  were  the  kings 
distinguished  from  other  men?  4.  Why?  5.  How  did 
the  kings  use  swine  in  consulting  the  gods?  6.  Why 
did  not  the  E^phors  rise  before  the  king?  7.  What  kind 
of  a  monarchy  was  the  Spartan  government? 


ALEXANDER'S  METHODS 
OF  WARFARE. 


(47) 


CHAPTER  IV. 


ALEXANDER'S  METHODS  OF  WARFARE. 

Arrian:  Anabasis  of  Alexander  and  Indica. 
Translated  by  Edward  James  Chinnock, 
M.  A.,  LL.  D.,  New  York,  1893. 

RRIAN  wrote  in  the  second  century  of  our 
era,  and  consequently  did  not  live  contem- 
poraneously with  the  events  described, 
Alexander  lived  in  the  fourth  century  B.  C. 
But  although  he  was  not  a  contemporary  of  the 
great  Macedonian,  Arrian  used  the  best  of  con- 
temporary records  in  writing  his  history.  He 
had  before  him  the  accounts  of  Alexander's  cam- 
paigns written  by  his  generals,  Ptolemy  and 
Aristobulus.  Neither  of  these  works  exists  to- 
day. Plutarch  and  Strabo  made  use  of  these 
writers,  Plutarch  basing  his  ''Life  of  Alexander" 
chiefly  upon  the  account  of  Aristobulus.  The 
history  of  the  conquest  of  the  Persian  Empire 
(probably  to  the  battle  of  Arbela)  was  written 
by  the  historian  Kallisthenes,  who  accompa- 
nied Alexander  in  his  expedition.  The  work  has 
been  lost,  but  portions  of  it  have  been  preserved 
in  the  writings  of  later  historians.  Polybius 
(Bk.  XII,  chaps.,  17-22)  criticises  the  account  of 
the  battle  of  Issus  given  by  Kallisthenes,  quot- 
ing portions  of  his  work.  The  pilot  Nearchus 
described  the  voyage  of  the  fleet  commanded 
by  himself,  from  the  Indus  to  the  Persian  Gulf. 
Onesikritus,  an  historian  who  accompanied 
Alexander,  wrote  an  account  of  Alexander's 
deeds,  but  too  full  of  romance  to  be  of  much 
value.  There  were  also  official  accounts  and  let- 
(48) 


Alexander's  methods  of  warfare.       49 

ters  of  the  King;  many  of  those  in  circuhition, 
however,  were  undoubtedly  forgeries.  As  Ar- 
rian  deals  largely  with  military  affairs,  and  as 
his  chief  source,  Ptolemy,  was  one  of  the  ablest 
of  Alexander's  generals,  we  can  draw  from  his 
work  the  best  of  first-hand  information  upon  the 
question  of  the  methods  of  warfare  employed 
by  Alexander. 

'  An  excellent  exercise  would  be  a  comparison 
of  Arrian's  descriptions  of  the  different  episodes 
presented  in  this  study  with  the  treatment  found 
in  riutaich's  "Life  of  Alexander."  Another 
valuable  exercise  would  be  the  making  of  a  list 
of  authorities  cited  by  Plutarch  in  his  ''Life  of 
Alexander."  Finally,  a  third  exercise  would  be 
a  comparison  of  the  extracts  taken  from  Arrian 
with  the  treatment  of  the  same  events  in  modern 
school  narratives. 

Arrian  speaks  of  his  method  of  work  in  the 
following  words: 

I  have  admitted  into  my  narrative  as  strictly  authen- 
tic all  the  statements  relating  to  Alexander  and  Philip 
which  Ptolemy,  son  of  Lagus,  and  Aristobulus,  son  of 
Aristobulus,  agree  in  making;  and  from  those  state- 
ments which  differ  I  have  selected  that  which  appears 
to  me  the  more  credible  and  at  the  same  time  the  more 
deserving  of  record.  Different  authors  have  given  dif- 
ferent accounts  of  Alexander's  actions;  and  there  is  no 
one  about  whom  more  have  written,  or  more  at  vari- 
ance with  each  other.  But  in  my  opinion,  the  narra- 
tives of  Ptolemy  and  Aristobulus  are  more  worthy  of 
credit  than  are  the  rest;  Aristobulus.  because  he  served 
under  King  Alexander  in  his  expedition,  and  Ptolemy, 
not  only  because  he  accompanied  Alexander  in  his 
expedition,  but  also  because,  being  a  king  himself,  the 
falsification  of  facts  would  have  been  more  disgraceful 
to  him  than  to  any  other  man  Moreover,  they  are 
both  more  worthy  of  credit,  because  they  compiled  their 
histories  after  Alexander's  death,  when  neither  com- 
pulsion was  used,  nor  reward  offered  them  to  write 
anything  different  from  what  really  occurred.  Some 
statements  also  made  by  other  writers  I  have  incorpo- 


50  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

rated  in  my  narrative,  because  tliey  seem  to  me  worthy 
of  mention  and  not  altogether  improbable;  but  I  have 
given  them  merely  as  reports  of  Alexander's  proceed- 
ings.    (Pages  1  and. 2.) 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  Do  you  think  that  Arrian's  rule  touching  the  state- 
ments of  Ptolemy  and  Aristobulus  was  scientifically 
correct?  2.  What  do  you  thinlf  of  his  rule  toucliing 
other  statements?  3.  Criticise  his  reasons  for  thinking 
the  accounts  of  the  tv/o  generals  "more  worthy  of  credit 
than  are  the  rest." 

EVOLUTIONS  OF  THE  PHALANX. 

Then  Alexander  drew  up  his  army  in  such  a  way  that 
the  depth  of  the  phalanx  was  120  men;  and  stationing 
200  cavalry  on  each  wing,  he  ordered  them  to  preserve 
silence,  receiving  the  word  of  command  quickly.  Ac- 
cordingly he  gave  the  signal  to  the  heavy  armed  in- 
fantry in  the  first  place  to  hold  their  spears  erect,  and 
then  to  couch  them  at  the  concerted  signal;  at  one 
time  to  incline  their  spears  to  the  right  closely  locked 
together,  and  at  another  time  towards  the  left.  He 
then  set  the  phalanx  itself  into  quick  motion  forward, 
and  mai'ched  it  toward  the  wings,  now  to  the  right  and 
then  to  the  left.  After  thus  arranging  and  rearrang- 
ing his  lines  many  times  very  rapidly,  he  at  last  formed 
his  phalanx  into  a  sort  of  wedge,  and  led  it  toward  the 
left  against  the  enemy,  who  had  long  been  in  a  state 
of  amazement  at  seeing  both  the  order  and  rapidity  of 
his  evolutions.  Consequently,  they  did  not  sustain 
Alexander's  attack,  but  quitted  the  first  ridges  of  the 
mountain.  Upon  this,  Alexander  ordered  the  Macedo- 
nians to  raise  the  battle  cry  and  make  clatter  with  their 
spears  upon  their  shields,  and  the  Taulantians,  being 
still  more  alarmed  at  the  noise,  led  their  army  back  to 
the  city  with  all  speed.     (Pages  16  and  17.) 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  How  many  men  in  each  file  of  the  phalanx?  2. 
Why  did  Alexander  command  silence?  3.  What  did  a 
soldier  do  when  he  "couched"  his  spear?  4.  What  is 
the  meaning  of  the  expression  "marched  toward  the 
wings"?  5.  What  relation  between  'couching"  the 
spear  and  marching  toward  the  wings?  6.  Were  Alex- 
ander's troops  better  trained  than  the  enemy?  7.  Why 
does  Alexander  at  one  time  command  silence  and  at 
another  order  his  men  to  make  a  noise?  8.  Make  a 
diagram  of  the  operations  described  by  Arrian. 


Alexander's  methods  of  warfare.       51 

battle  of  issus. 

Having  thus  marshalled  his  men,  he  caused  them  to 
rest  for  some  time,  and  then  led  them  forward,  as  he 
had  resolved  that  their  advance  should  be  very  slow. 
For  Darius  was  no  longer  leading  the  foreigners  against 
him  as  he  had  arranged  them  at  first,  but  he  I'emained 
in  his  position  upon  the  bank  of  the  river,  which  was 
in  many  parts  steep  and  precipitous;     and  in  certain 
places,  where  it  seemed  more  easy  to  ascend,  he  ex- 
tended  a  stockade  along  it.    By  this  it  was  at  once 
evident  to  Alexander's  men  that  Darius  had   become 
cowed  in  spirit.    But  when  the  armies  were  at  length 
close  to  each   other,   Alexander  rode   about   in   every 
direction   to    exhort    his    troops   to    show   their   valor, 
mentioning  with  befitting  epithets  the  names,  not  only 
of  the  generals,  but  also  those  of  the  captains  of  cavalry 
and  infantry  and  of  the  Grecian  mercenaries  as  many 
as  were  distinguished  either  by  reputation  or  any  deed 
of  valor.    From  all  sides  arose  a  shout  not  to  delay,  but 
to  attack  the  enemy.     At  first  he  still  led  them  on  in 
close  array  with  measured  step,  although  he  had  the 
forces  of  Darius  already  in  distant  view,  lest  by  a  too 
hasty  march  any  part  of  the  phalanx  should  fluctuate 
from  the  lines  and  get  separated  t^-om  the  rest.     But 
when  they  came  within  range  of  darts,  Alexander  him- 
self and  those  around  him,  being  posted  on  the  right 
wing,  dashed  first  into  the  river  with  a  run,  in  order 
to  alarm  the  Persians  by  the  rapidity  of  their  onset, 
and  by  coming  sooner  to  close  conflict  to  avoid  being 
much  injured  by  the  archers.    And  it  turned  out  just 
as  Alexander  had  conjectured;    for  as  soon  as  the  bat- 
tle oecame  a  hand  to  hand  one,  the  part  of  the  Persian 
army  stationed  on  the  left  wing  were  put  to  route;    and 
here  Alexander  and  his  men  won  a  brilliant  victory. 
But    tiie    Grecian    mercenaries    serving    under    Darius 
attack'-^d  the  Macedonians  at  the  point  where  they  saw 
their   ptilanx   especially   disordered.     For   the    Mace- 
donian  phalanx  had  been  broken   and   had   disjoined 
towards  the  right  wing;   because  Alexander  had  dashed 
into  the  river  with  eagerness,  and  engaging  in  a  hand 
to  hand  conflict,  was  already  driving  back  the  Persians 
posted  there;    but  the  Macedonians  in  the  center  had 
not  prosecuted  their  task  with  equal   eagerness,   and 
finding  many  parts  i>l  the  bank  steep  and  precipitous. 


52  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

they  were  unable  to  preserve  the  front  of  the  phalanx 
in  the  same  line.  Here,  then,  the  struggle  was  des- 
perate; the  Grecian  mercenaries  of  Darius  fighting  in 
order  to  push  the  Macedonians  back  into  the  river,  and 
regain  the  victory  for  their  allies  who  were  already 
flying;  the  Macedonians  struggling  in  order  not  to  fall 
short  of  Alexander's  success,  which  was  already  mani- 
fest, and  not  to  tarnish  the  glory  of  the  phalanx,  which 
up  to  that  time  had  been  commonally  proclaimed  invin- 
cible. Moreover,  the  feeling  of  rivalry  which  existed 
between  the  Grecian  and  Macedonian  races  inspired 
each  side  in  the  conflict.  Here  fell  Ptolemy,  son  of 
Seleucus,  after  proving  himself  a  valiant  man,  besides 
about  one  hundred  and  twenty  Macedonians  of  no 
mean  repute. 

Hereupon  the  regiments  on  the  right  wing,  perceiv- 
ing that  the  Persians  opposed  to  them  had  already  been 
put  to  route,  wheeled  around  towards  the  Grecian  mer- 
cenaries of  Darius  and  their  own  hard  pressed  detach- 
ment. Having  driven  the  Greeks  away  from  the  river, 
they  extended  their  phalanx  beyond  the  Persian  army 
on  the  side  which  had  been  broken;  and  attacking  the 
Greeks  on  the  flank  were  already  beginning  to  cut  them 
up.  However,  the  Persian  cavalry,  which  had  been 
posted  opposite  the  Thessalians,  did  not  remain  on  the 
other  side  of  the  river  during  the  struggle,  but  came 
through  the  water  and  made  a  vigorous  attack  upon  the 
Thessalian  squadrons.  In  this  place  a  fierce  cavalry 
battle  ensued;  for  the  Persians  did  not  give  way  until 
they  perceived  that  Darius  had  fled  and  the  Grecian 
mercenaries  had  been  cut  up  by  the  phalanx  and  sev- 
ered from  them.  Then,  at  last,  there  ensued  a  decided 
flight,  and  on  all  sides.     (Pages  88-92.) 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  Enumerate  all  the  characteristics  of  a  good  com- 
mander shown  by  Alexander  during  the  struggle  at 
Issus,  and  state  the  value  of  each.  2.  Why  should 
Alexander's  men  think  that  Darius'  men  were  cowards 
in  spirit  because  they  built  a  slockade?  3.  Was  not  the 
sudden  dash  made  by  Alexander  a  daring  and  danger- 
ous move?  4.  Did  it  show  good  generalship?  5.  Where 
did  the  Macedonians   encounter  the  most  resistance? 

6.  To  what  was  the  victory  of  the  Macedonians  due? 

7.  Make  a  diagram  of  the  movements  described. 


Alexander's  methods  of  warfaue.       53 

siege  of  gaza. 
Gaza  is  about  twenty  stades  (two  miles  and  a  half) 
from  the  sea;    the  approach  to  it  is  sandy  and  the  sand 
deep,  and  the  sea  near  the  city  everywhere  shallow. 
The  city  of  Gaza  was  large  and  had  been  built  upon  a 
lofty  mound,  around  which  a  strong  wall  had  been  car- 
ried.    It  is  the  last  city  the  traveler  meets  with  going 
from  Phosnicia  to  Egypt,  being  situated  on  the  edge  of 
the  desert.    When  Alexander  arrived  near  the  city,  on 
the  first  day  he  encamped  at  the  spot  where  the  walls 
seemed  to  him  most  easy  for  him  to  assail,  and  ordered 
his  military   engines  to  be  constructed.     But  the  en- 
gineers expressed  the  opinion  that  it  was  not  possible 
to  capture  the  wall  by  force,  on  account  of  the  height 
of  the   mound.     However,   the   more   impracticable   it 
seemed   to   be,  the   more  resolutely  Alexander   deter- 
mined that  it  must  be  captured.     For,  he  said,  that  the 
action  would  strike  the  enemy  with  great  alarm  from 
its  being  contrary  to  their  expectation;    whereas,  his 
failure  to  capture  the  place  would  redound  to  his  dis- 
grace  when    mentioned   either   to   the    Greeks    or   to 
Darius.     He  therefore  resolved  to  construct  a  mound 
right  around  the  city,  so  as  to  be  able  to  bring  his  mili- 
tary engines  up  to  the  walls  on  the  same  level  on  the 
artificial  mound  which  had  been  raised.     The  mound 
was  constructed  especially  over  against  the  southern 
wall  of  the  city,  where  it  appeared  easiest  to  make  an 
assault.    When  he  thought  that  the  mound  had  been 
raised  to  the  proper  level  with  the  walls,  the  Macedo- 
nians placed  their  military  engines  upon  it  and  brought 
them  close  to  the  walls  of  Gaza.    At  this  time,  while 
Alexander  was  offering  sacrifice,  and,  crowned  with  a 
garland,  was  about  to  commence  the  first  sacred  rite 
according  to  custom,  a  certain  carnivorous  bird,  flying 
over  the  altar,  let  a  stone,-  which  it  was  carrying  with 
its  claws,  fall  upon  his  head.    Alexander  asked  Ari- 
stander,  the  soothsayer,  what  this  omen  meant.     He 
replied:     "O,  king,  thou  wilt  indeed  capture  the  city, 
but  thou  must  take  care  of  thyself  on  this  day." 

When  Alexander  heard  this  he  kept  himself  for  a 
time  near  the  military  engines,  out  of  the  reach  of  mis- 
siles. But  when  a  vigorous  sortie  was  made  from  the 
city,  and  the  Arabs  were  carrying  torches  to  set  fire 
to  the  military  engines,  and  from  their  commanding 


54  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

position  above  hurling  missies  at  the  Macedonians, 
who  were  defending  themselves  from  lower  ground, 
were  driving  them  down  from  the  mound,  which  they 
had  made,  then  Alexander  either  wilfully  disobeyed  the 
soothsayer,  or  forgot  the  prophecy  from  excitement  in 
the  heat  of  action.  Taking  the  shield-bearing  guards, 
he  hastened  to  the  rescue  where  the  Macedonians  were 
especially  hard  pressed,  and  prevented  them  from  being 
driven  down  from  the  mound  in  disgraceful  flight.  But 
he  was  himself  wounded  by  a  bolt  from  a  catapult, 
right  through  the  shield  and  breast-plate  into  the 
shoulder.  When  he  perceived  that  Aristander  had 
spoken  the  truth  about  the  wound  he  rejoiced,  because 
he  thought  he  should  also  capture  the  city  by  the  aid 
of  the  soothsayer.  And  yet,  indeed,  he  was  not  easily 
cured  of  the  wound.  In  the  meantime,  the  military 
engines  with  which  he  had  captured  Tyre  arrived,  hav- 
ing been  sent  for  by  sea;  and  he  ordered  the  mound 
to  be  constructed  quite  around  the  city  on  all  sides,  two 
stades*  in  breadth,  and  250  feet  in  height.  When  his 
engines  had  been  prepared  and  brought  up  along  the 
mound,  they  shook  down  a  large  extent  of  wall;  and 
mines  being  dug  in  various  places  and  the  earth  being 
drawn  out  by  stealth,  the  wall  fell  down  in  many  parts, 
subsiding  into  the  empty  space.  The  Macedonians  then 
commanded  a  large  extent  of  ground  with  their  mis- 
siles, driving  back  the  men  who  were  defending  the 
city  from  the  towers.  Nevertheless,  the  men  of  the 
city  sustained  three  assaults,  though  many  of  their 
number  were  killed  or  wounded;  but  at  the  fourth  at- 
tack Alexander  led  up  the  phalanx  of  the  Macedonians 
from  all  sides,  threw  down  the  part  of  the  wall  which 
was  undermined,  and  shook  down  another  large  por- 
tion of  it  by  battering  it  with  his  engines,  so  that  he 
rendered  the  assault  an  easy  matter  through  the 
breaches  with  his  scaling  ladders.  Accordingly  the 
ladders  were  brought  up  to  the  wall;  and  then  there 
arose  a  great  emulation  among  those  of  the  Macedo- 
nians who  laid  any  claim  to  valor  to  see  who  should  be 
the  first  to  scale  the  walls.  The  first  to  do  so  was 
Neoptolemus,  one  of  the  Companions,  of  the  family  of 
the  /T-^acidae;  and  after  him  mounted  one  rank  after 
another  with  their  officers.  When  once  some  of  the 
Macedonians  got  within  the  wall  they  split  open   in 

*A  stadium  equalled  606%  feet. 


ALEXAxNDEU'S    METHODS    OF    WARFARE. 


55 


succession  the  gates  which  each  party  happened  to  light 
upon,  and  thus  admitted  the  whole  army  into  the  city. 
But  though  the  city  was  now  in  the  hands  of  the  en- 
emy, the  Gaz£eans  nevertheless  stood  together  and 
fought;  so  that  they  were  all  slain  fighting  there  as 
each  man  had  been  stationed.  Alexander  sold  their 
wives  and  children  into  slavery;  and  having  peopled 
the  city  again  from  the  neighboring  settlers,  he  made 
use  of  it  as  a  fortified  post  for  the  war.  (Pages  124- 
127.) 

QUESTIONS. 

1  Does  Alexander's  refusal  to  accept  "le  opinion  of 
his  engineers  show  his  greatness  or  his  foo  hardiness? 
2  Do  you  consider  his  reasons  for  undertaking  the 
siege  sufficient?  3.  What  were  the  military  engines? 
4  What  purposes  did  they  serve?  5.  What  was  the 
obiect  of  the  "sacred  rite"?  6.  Describe  the  means  by 
whfch  a  walled  city  was  taken.  7  Why  were  Alex^ 
ander's  soldiers  so  enthusiastic? 

THE  PURSUIT  OF  DARIUS. 

At    this    time    Bagistanes,    one    of    the    Babylonian 
nobles    came  to  him  from  the  camp  of  Darius,  accom- 
panied by  Antibelus,  one  of  the  sons.of  Mazseus.    These 
men  informed  him  that  Nabarzanes,  the  commander  of 
the  cavalry  which  accompanied  Darius  in  his  flight; 
Bessus,  viceroy  of  the  Bactrians,  and  Barsaentes.  vice- 
roy of  the  Arachotians  and  Drangians,  had  arrested  the 
king.     When   Alexander   heard   this   he  marched  with 
still  greater  speed  than  ever,  taking  with  him  only  the 
Companions  and  the  skirmishing  cavalry,  as  well  as 
some  of  the  foot  soldiers,  selected  as  the  strongest  and 
lightest  men.     .     .         His  own  men   took  with  them 
nothing  but  their  arms  and  provisions  for  two  days. 
After  marching  the  whole  night  until  noon  of  the  next 
day,  he  gave  his  army  a  short  rest,  then  went  on  again 
all  night,  and  when  day  began  to  break  reached  the 
camp  from  which  Bagistanes  had  set  out  to  meet,  him; 
but  he  did  not  catch  the  enemy.     However,  in  regard  to 
Darius,  he  ascertained  that  he  had  been  arrested  and 
was  being  conveyed  in  a  covered  carriage;    that  Bessus 
possessed  the  command  instead  of  Darius.     ...     He 
also  learned  that  those  who  had  arrested  Darius  had 
come  to  the  decision  to  surrender   him  to  Alexander 
and  to  procure  some  advantage  for  themselves,  if  they 
should  find  that  Alexander  were  pursuing  them.    .    .    . 
G 


56  EUROrEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

Hearing  this,  Alexander  thought  it  necessary  to  pursue 
with  all  his  might;  and  though  his  men  and  horses 
were  already  quite  fatigued  by  the  incessant  severity 
of  their  labors,  he  nevertheless  proceeded,  and,  travel- 
ing a  long  way  all  through  the  night  and  the  next  day 
till  noon,  arrived  at  a  certain  village,  where  those  who 
were  leading  Darius  had  encamped  the  day  before. 
Hearing  there  that  the  barbarians  had  decided  to  con- 
tinue their  march  by  night,  he  inquired  of  the  natives 
if  they  knew  any  shorter  road  to  the  fugitives.  They 
said  they  did  know  one,  but  it  ran  through  a  country 
which  was  desert  through  lack  of  water.  He  neverthe- 
less ordered  them  to  show  him  this  way,  and  perceiv- 
ing that  the  infantry  could  not  keep  up  with  him  if  he 
marched  at  full  speed,  he  caused  500  of  the  cavalry  to 
dismount  from  their  horses,  and  selecting  the  officers 
of  the  infantry  and  the  best  of  the  other  foot  soldiers, 
he  ordered  them  to  mount  the  horses  armed  just  as 
they  were.  He  also  directed  Nicanor,  the  commander 
of  the  shield-bearing  guards,  and  Attains,  commander 
of  the  Agrianians,  to  lead  their  men  who  were  left  be- 
hind by  the  same  route  which  Bessus  had  taken,  haying 
equipped  them  as*  lightly  as  possible;  and  he  ordered 
the  rest  of  the  infantry  to  follow  in  regular  march- 
ing order.  He  himself  began  to  march  in  the  after- 
noon, and  led  the  way  with  great  rapidity.  Having 
traveled  400  stades  (about  47  miles)  in  the  night,  he 
came  upon  the  barbarians  just  before  daybreak,  going 
along  without  any  order  and  unarmed;  so  that  only  a 
few  of  them  rushed  to  defend  themselves,  but  most  of 
them,  as  soon  as  they  saw  Alexander  himself,  took  to 
flight  without  even  coming  to  blows.  A  few  of  those 
who  had  turned  to  resist  being  killed,  the  rest  of  these 
also  took  to  flight.  Up  to  this  time,  Bessus  and  his 
party  were  still  conveying  Darius  with  them  in  a  cov- 
ered carriage;  but  when  Alexander  was  already  close 
upon  them,  Nabarzanes  and  Barsaentes  wounded  him 
and  left  him  there,  and  witb  six  hundred  horsemen 
took  to  flight.  Darius  died  from  his  wounds  soon  after, 
before  Alexander  had  seen  him.     (Pages  168-170.) 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  In  what  way  did  Alexander  show  his  superior  gen- 
eralship in  the  pursuit  of  Darius?  2.  Why  did  he 
march  his   forces  in  three  divisions?    3.  What  proof 


alexaxdekJs  methods  of  warfare.       57 

does  this  extract  give  that  Alexander  was  capable  of 
great  endurance? 

CAPTURE  OF  THE  SOGDIAN  ROCK. 

If  this  rock  was  captured,  It  seemed  that  nothing 
would  any  longer  be  left  to  those  of  the  Sogdians  who 
wished  to  throw  off  their  allegiance.  When  Alexander 
approached  it  he  found  it  precipitous  on  all  sides 
against  assault,  and  that  the  barbarians  had  collected 
provisions  for  a  long  siege.  The  great  quantity  of 
snow  which  had  fallen  helped  to  make  the  assault  more 
difficult  to  the  Macedonians,  while  at  the  same  time  it 
kept  the  barbarians  supplied  with  plenty  of  water. 
But  notwithstanding  all  this,  he  resolved  to  assault  the 
place;  for  a  certain  overweening  and  insolent  boast 
uttered  by  the  barbarians  had  thrown  him  into  a  wrath- 
ful state  of  ambitious  pertinacity.  For  when  they  were 
invited  to  come  to  terms  of  capitulation,  and  it  was 
held  out  to  them  as  an  inducement  that  if  they  sur- 
rendered the  place  they  would  be  allowed  to  withdraw 
with  safety  to  their  abodes,  they  burst  out  laughing, 
and  in  their  barbaric  tongue  bade  Alexander  seek 
winged  soldiers  to  capture  the  mountain  for  him,  since 
they  had  no  apprehension  of  danger  from  other  men. 
He  then  issued  a  proclamation  that  the  first  man  who 
mounted  should  have  a  reward  of  twelve  talents,*  the 
man  who  came  next  to  him  the  second  prize,  and  the 
third  so  on  in  proportion,  so  that  the  last  reward  should 
be  30O  darics,t  to  the  last  prize-taker  who  reached  the 
top.  This  proclamation  excited  the  ardor  of  the  Mace- 
donians still  more,  though  they  were  even  before  very 
ready  to  commence  the  assault. 

All  the  men  who  had  gained  practice  in  scaling  rocks 
in  sieges  banded  themselves  together  to  the  number  of 
three  hundred,  and  provided  themselves  with  small 
iron  pegs  with  which  their  tents  had  been  fastened  to 
the  ground,  with  the  intention  of  fixing  them  into  the 
snow,  wherever  it  might  be  seen  to  be  frozen  hard,  or 
into  the  ground  if  it  should  anywhere  exhibit  itself  free 
from  snow.  Tieing  strong  ropes  made  of  flax  to  these 
pegs,  they  advanced  to  the  most  precipitous  part  of  the 
rock,  which  v<>"as  on  this  account  most  unguarded;  and 
fixing  some  of  these  pegs  into  the  earth  where  it  made 
itself  visible,  and  others  into  the  snow  where  it  seemed 


*  About  814,000.  t  About  tfl,500. 


58  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

least  likely  to  crumble,  they  hoisted  themselves  up  the 
rock,  some  in  one  place  and  some  in  another.  Thirty 
of  them  perished  in  the  ascent,  and  as  they  fell  into 
various  parts  of  the  snow,  not  even  could  their  bodies 
be  found  for  burial.  The  rest,  however,  reached  the 
top  of  the  mountain  at  the  approach  of  dawn;  and, 
taking  possession  of  it,  they  waved  linen  flags  towards 
the  camp  of  the  Macedonians,  as  Alexander  had 
directed  them  to  do.  He  now  sent  a  herald  with  in- 
structions to  shout  to  the  sentries  of  the  barbarians  to 
make  no  further  delay,  but  to  surrender  at  once,  since 
the  "winged  men"  had  been  found,  and  the  summits  of 
the  mountain  wei-e  in  their  possession.  At  the  same 
time  the  herald  pointed  to  the  soldiers  upon  the  crest 
of  the  mountain.  The  barbarians,  being  alarmed  by 
the  unexpectedness  of  the  sight,  and  suspecting  that 
the  men  who  were  occupying  the  peaks  were  more 
numerous  than  they  really  were,  and  that  they  were 
completely  armed,  surrendered,  so  frightened  did  they 
become  at  the  sight  of  those  few  Macedonians.  (Pages 
220-222.) 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  Why  did  Alexander  attack  the  Sogdian  Rock?  2. 
Enumerate  the  obstacles  that  would  have  appeared  in- 
superable to  the  ordinary  man.  3.  Name  the  condi- 
tions that  made  it  possible  for  Alexander  to  succeed. 

4.  How  many  of  the  conditions  were  under  his  control? 

5.  How  does  this  incident  show  his  great  insight  into 
human  nature? 

ALEXANDER    WOUNDED. 

On  the  following  day,  dividing  the  army  into  two 
parts,  he  himself  assaulted  the  wall  at  the  head  of  one 
and  Perdiccas  led  on  the  other.  Upon  this  the  Indians 
did  not  wait  to  receive  the  attack  of  the  Macedonians, 
but  abandoned  the  walls  of  the  city  and  fled  for  safety 
into  the  citadel.  Alexander  and  his  troops,  therefore, 
split  open  a  small  gate,  and  got  within  the  city  long 
before  the  others;  for  those  who  had  been  put  under 
Perdiccas  were  behind  time,  having  experienced  diffi- 
culty in  scaling  the  walls,  as  most  of  them  did  not 
bring  ladders,  thinking  that  the  city  had  been  captured, 
when  they  observed  that  the  walls  were  deserted  by 
the  defenders.  But  when  the  citadel  was  seen  to  be 
still  in  possession  of  the  enemy,  and  many  of  them 


Alexander's  methods  op  warfare.       59 

were  observed  drawn  up  in  front  of  it  to  repel  the  at- 
tacks, some  of  the  Macedonians  tried  to  force* an  entry 
by  undermining  the  wall,  and  others  by  placing  scaling 
ladders  against  it  wherever  it  was  practicable  to  do  so. 
Alexander,  thinking  that  the  men  who  carried  the  lad- 
ders were  too  slow,  snatched  one  from  a  man  who  was 
carrying  it,  placed  it  against  the  wall  himself,  and  be- 
gan to   mount  it,  crouching  under  his  shield.    After 
him   mounted   Peucestas,    the    man   who    carried    the 
sacred  shield  which  Alexander  took  from  the  temple 
of  the  Trojan  Athena,  and  used  to  keep  with  him  and 
have  it  carried  before  him  in  all   his  battles.    After 
Peucestas,  by  the  same  ladder,  ascended  Leonnatus,  the 
confidential  body  guard;    and  up  another  ladder  went 
Abreas,  one  of  the  soldiers  who  received  double  pay  for  ^ 
distinguished  services.    The  king  was  now   near  the 
battlement  of  the  walls,  and  leaning  his  shield  against 
it  was  pushing  some  of  the  Indians  within  the  fort,  and 
had  cleared  that  part  of  the  wall  by  killing  others  with 
his  sword.     The  shield-bearing  guards,  becoming  very 
anxious  for  the  king's  safety,  pushed  themselves  with 
ardor  up  the  same  ladder  and  broke  it;    so  that  those 
who  were  already  mounting  fell  down  and  made  the 
ascent  impractical  for  the  rest.    Alexander,  then,  stand- 
ing upon  the  walls,  was  being  assailed  all  around  from 
the  adjacent  towers;    for  none  of  the  Indians  dared  to 
approach  him.     He  was  also  being  assailed  by  the  men 
in  the  city,  who  were  throwing  darts  at  him  from  no 
great  distance;    for  a  mound  of  earth  happened  to  have 
been  heaped  up  there  opposite  the  walls.    Alexander 
was  conspicuous  both  by  the  brilliancy  of  his  weapons 
and    by    his    extraordinary    display    of    audacity.    He 
therefore  perceived  that  if  he  remained  where  he  was 
he  would  be  incurring  danger  without  being  able  to 
perform  anything  at  all  worthy  of  consideration;    but 
if  he  leaped  down  within  the  fort  he  might,  perhaps, 
by  this  very  act  strike  the  Indians  with  terror,  and  if  ' 
he  did  not,  but  should  only  thereby  be  incurring  dan- 
ger, and  at  any  rate  he  would  die  not  ignobly  after  per- 
forming great  deeds  of  valor  worth  hearing  about  by 
men  of  after  tim-es.    Forming  this  resolution,  he  leaped 
down  from  the  wall  into  the  citadel;  ■  where,  supporting 
himself  against  the  wall,  he  struck  with  his  sword  and 
killed  some  of  the  Indians  who  came  to  close  quarters 
with  him,  including  their  leader,  who  rushed  upon  him 


60  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

too  boldly.  Another  man  who  approached  him  he  kept 
in  check  'fey  hurling  a  stone  at  him,  and  a  third  in  like 
manner.  Anotlier,  who  had  advanced  nearer  to  him, 
he  again  kept  off  with  his  sword;  so  that  the  bar- 
barians were  no  longer  willing  to  approach  him,  but 
standing  around  him,  cast  at  him  from  all  sides  what 
ever  missile  any  one  happened  to  have  or  could  get 
hold  of  at  the  time. 

Meantime,  Peucestas  and  Arbreas,  the  soldier  entitled 
to  double  pay,  and  after  them  Leonnatus,  being  the 
only  men  who  happened  to  have  scaled  the  walls  before 
the  ladders  were  broken,  had  leaped  down  and  were 
fighting  in  front  of  the  king.  Arbreas,  the  man  entitled 
to  double  pay,  fell  there,  being  shot  with  an  arrow  in 
the  forehead.  Alexander,  himself,  also  was  wounded 
with  an  arrow  under  the  breast,  through  his  breast- 
plate in  the  chest,  so  that,  Ptolemy  says,  ,air  was 
breathed  out  from  the  wound  together  with  the  blood. 
But  although  he  was  faint  from  exhaustion,  he  de- 
fended himself  as  long  as  his  blood  was  still  warm. 
But  the  blood  streaming  out  copiously  and  without 
ceasing  at  every  expiration  of  breath,  he  was  seized 
with  a  dizziness  and  swooning,  and  bending  over,  fell 
upon  his  shield.  After  he  had  fallen,  Peucestas  de- 
fended him,  holding  over  him  in  front  the  sacred  shield 
brought  from  Troy;  and  on  the  other  side  he  was  de- 
fended by  Leonnatus.  But  both  these  men  were  them- 
selves wounded,  and  Alexander  was  now  nearly  faint- 
ing away  from  loss  of  blood.  For  the  Macedonians 
had  experienced  great  difficulty  in  the  assault  also 
on  this  account,  because  those  who  saw  Alexander 
being  shot  at  upon  the  walls,  and  then  leaping  down 
into  the  citadel  within,  in  their  ardor  arising  from  fear 
lest  their  king  should  meet  with  any  mishap  by  reck- 
lessly exposing  himself  to  danger,  broke  the  ladders. 
Then  some  began  to  devise  one  plan  and  others  another 
to  mount  upon  the  walls,  as  well  as  they  co«ld  in  their 
state  of  embarrassment,  some  fixing  pegs  into  the  wall, 
which  was  made  of  earth,  and  suspending  themselves 
from  these,  hoisted  themselves  up  with  difficulty  by 
their  means;  others  got  up  by  mounting  one  upon  the 
other.  The  first  who  got  up  threw  himself  down  from 
the  wall  into  the  city,  and  so  did  they  all,  with  a  loud 
lamentation  and  howl  of  grief,  when  they  saw  the  king 
lying  on  the  ground.     Now  ensued  a  desperate  conflict 


Alexander's  methods  of  warfare.        61 

around  the  fallen  body,  one  Macedonian  after  another 
holding  his  shield  in  front  of  him.  In  the  meantime 
some  of  the  soldiers  having  shivered  in  pieces  the  bar 
by  which  the  gate  in  the  space  of  the  wall  between  the 
towers  was  secured,  entered  the  city  a  few  at  a  time; 
while  others,  putting  their  shoulders  under  the  gap 
made  by  the  gate,  forced  their  way  into  the  space  in- 
side the  wall,  and  thus  laid  the  citadel  open  in  that 
quarter. 

Hereupon  some  of  them  began  to  kill  the  Indians,  all 
of  whom  they  slew,  sparing  not  even  a  woman  or  child. 
Others  carried  off  the  king,  who  was  lying  ih  a  faint 
condition  upon  his  shield;  and  they  could  not  yet  tell 
whether  he  was  likely  to  survive.     (Pages  306-309.) 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  What  was  the  relation  of  the  citadel  to  the  city? 
2.  Why  did  Alexander  crouch  under  his  shield  on 
rnounting  the  ladder?  3.  What  were  the  battlements? 
4  What  was  evidently  the  duty  of  the  three  men  that 
accompanied  Alexander?  5.  Who  were  the  body- 
guards? 6.  Why  was  Alexander's  position  dangerous? 
7.  Why  did  he  not  jump  outside  the  wall?  8.  In  what 
ways  did  the  soldiers  show  their  excellent  training? 
9.  What  was  the  great  defect?  10.  Why  were  the 
women  and  children  killed? 

Alexander's  recovery. 
When  the  ship  bearing  the  king  approached  the 
camp  he  ordered  the  tent  covering  to  be  removed  from 
the  stern  that  he  might  be  visible  to  all.  But  they 
were  still  incredulous,  thinking,  forsooth,  that  Alex- 
ander's corpse  was  being  conveyed  on  the  vessel;  until 
at  length  he  stretched  out  his  hand  to  the  multitude 
when  the  ship  was  nearing  the  bank.  Then  the  men 
raised  a  cheer,  lifting  their  hands,  some  toward  the  sky, 
and  others  to  the  king  himself.  Many  even  shed  invol- 
untary tears  at  the  unexpected  sight.  Some  of  the 
shieldbearing  guards  brought  a  litter  for  him  when  he 
was  conveyed  out  of  the  ship;  but  he  ordered  them  to 
fetch  his  horse.  When  he  was  seen  again  mounting 
his  horse,  the  whole  army  re-echoed  with  loud  clapping 
of  hands,  so  that  the  banks  of  the  river  and  the  groves 
near  them  reverberated  with  the  sound.  On  approach- 
ing his  tent  he  dismounted  from  his  horse,  so  that  he 
might  be  seen  walking.  Then  the  men  came  near, 
some  on  one  side,  some  on  the  other,  some  touching  his 


62  EUROrEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

hands,  others  his  knees,  others  only  his  clothes.  Some 
only  came  close  enough  to  get  a  sight  of  him,  and  went 
away  having  chanted  his  praise,  while  others  threw 
garlands  upon  him  of  the  flowers  which  the  country  of 
Indian  supplied  at  that  season  of  the  year.  Nearchus 
says  that  some  of  his  friends  incurred  his  displeasure 
reproaching  him  for  exposing  himself  to  danger  in  the 
front  of  the  army  in  battle;  which,  they  said,  was  the 
duty  of  the  private  soldier  and  not  that  of  the  general. 
(Page  313.) 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  Why  were  the  soldiers  so  incredulous  about  the 
recovery  of  Alexander?  2.  Why  did  they  cheer  and 
weep?  3.  Why  did  Alexander  prefer  the  horse  to  the 
litter?  4.  Why  did  the  soldiers  want  to  touch  Alex- 
ander? 5.  What  do  you  think  of  the  remark  made  by 
Alexander's  friends?  6.  Make  an  outline  and  write  a 
narrative  upon  the  subject  of  this  whole  study,  citing 
evidence  in  support  of  all  statements. 


THE  ACHAEAN  LEAGDE. 


(68) 


CHAPTER  V. 


THE  ACHAEAN  LEAGUE. 

Polybius:  The  Histories  of  Polyhius  Trans- 
lated from  the  text  of  F.  Hultseh  by  Evelju 
S.  Schuckburgh,  M.  A.     2  vols.     New  York, 

1889. 

^V^OLYBIUS,  of  Megalopolis,  was  the  son 
ofA  of  Lycortas,  the  friend  and  partisan 
of  Philopoemen,  who  had  served  the 
Achaean  league  in  several  capacities."  Polybius 
was  born  about  203  B.  C,  and  died  about  121 
B.  C.  He  lived  in  the  midst  of  the  events  that 
he  described,  and  "wrote  with  even  more  com- 
plete personal  knowledge  than  Thucydides," 
who  described  the  Peloponnesian  war  in  which 
he  took  part.  "Not  only  was  Polybius  the  son 
of  a  man  who  had  held  the  highest  office  in  the 
league,  and  so  must  have  heard  the  politics  and 
history  of  Achaia  discussed  from  his  earliest 
youth;  not  only  from  early  manhood  was  he 
himself  in  the  thick  of  political  business,  but  he 
knew  the  sovereigns  of  Egypt  and  I*ergaraus, 
of  Macedonia  and  Syria,  and  the  Roman  gener- 
als who  conquered  the  latter."  In  the  extracts 
that  follow,  I*olybius  refers  to  himself  as  am- 
bassador and  also  refers  to  a  speech  made  by 
himself  in  the  assembly.  He  was  one  of  the 
thousand  prominent  Achaeans  sent  to  Italy  in 
1C7  P>.  C,  and  passed  sixteen  years  in  Rome, 
where  he  became  the  tutor  of  the  sons  of 
Aemilius  T*aulus,  the  Ronuin  general.  In  146 
B,  C.  he  was  in  Africa  with  Scipio,  saw  the  de^ 
struction  of  Carthage,  and  heard  Scipio  ex- 
(64) 


THE   ACHAEAN   LEAGUE.  65 

c>iim:  "O,  Poljbius;  it  is  a  grand  thing,  but,  I 
know  not  how,  I  feel  a  terror  and  dread,  lest 
someone  should  one  day  give  the  same  order 
about  my  own  native  city." 

The  historian  was  well  prepared  for  his  work: 
he  was  himself  a  participant  in  the  affairs  de- 
scribed and  by  his  connections  was  able  to 
secure  the  most  reliable  information  touchiug 
the  things  that  did  not  pass  under  his  own  eyes. 
Concerning  the  organization  and  working  of  the 
league,  he  could  speak  from  experience,  and  as 
our  extracts  practically  deal  with  nothing  else, 
this  is  probably  the  most  reliable  material  that 
has  yet  appeared  in  the  Studies. 

The  Achaean  league  was  the  one  promising 
effort  made  by  the  Greeks  to  introduce  repre- 
sentative government.  It  is  one  of  the  very 
few  federal  governments  that  have  existed  in 
the  world's  history  and  for  that  reason  this 
study  is  of  the  utmost  concern  to  the  sons  and 
daughters  of  the  greatest  of  federal  govern- 
ments. 

CHARACTER  OF  THE  LEAGUE. 

The  Achaeaus,  as  I  have  stated  before,  have  in  our 
time  made  extraordinary  progress  in  material  pros- 
perity and  internal  unity.  For  though  many  states- 
men had  tried  in  past  times  to  induce  the  Pelopon- 
nesians  to  join  in  a  common  league  for  the  common 
Interests  of  all,  and  had  always  failed,  because  every- 
one was  working  to  secure  his  own  power  rather  than 
the  freedom  of  the  whole;  yet  in  our  day  this  policy 
has  made  such  progress,  and  been  carried  out  with 
such  completeness,  that  not  only  is  there  in  the 
Peloponnese  a  community  of  interests  such  as  exists 
between  allies  or  friends,  but  an  absolute  identity  of 
laws,  weights,  measures,  and  currency.  All  the  States 
have  the  same  magistrates,  senate,  and  judges.  Nor 
is  there  any  difference  between  the  entire  Pelopon- 
nese and  a  single  city,  except  in  the  fact  that  its  in- 
habitants are  not  included  within  the  same  wall;  in 
other  respects,  both  as  a  whole  and  in  their  individual 
cities,  there  is  a  nearly  absolute  assimilation  of  insti- 
tutions.    (II,  37.) 


66  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

QTiESTIONS. 

1.  At  what  time  was  the  league  in  a  prosperous  con- 
dition? 2.  Who  belonged  to  the  league?  3.  What  does 
Polybius  mean  by  "a  nearly  absolute  assimilation  of 
institutions"?  4.  Enumerate  the  institutions  that  the 
states  had  in  common  and  state  what  benefit  they  would 
derive  from  each  one.  5.  Why  did  the  league  succeed 
in  Polybius'  day? 

THE  OFFICERS  AND  THEIR  POWERS. 

With  this  purpose,  he  persuaded  Philip  to  be  at 
Aegium  at  the  time  of  the  Achaean  election,  on  the 
pretext  of  being  on  his  way  to  Blis.  The  king's  con- 
sent to  this  enabled  Appelles  himself  to  be  there  at 
the  right  time,  and  though  he  found  great  difficulty, 
in  spite  of  the  entreaties  and  threats,  in  carrying  this 
point,  yet  he  dd  eventually  succeed  in  getting  Eperatus 
of  Pharae  elected  Strategus,  and  Timoxenus,  the  can- 
didate proposed  by  Aratus,  rejected.     (IV,  82.) 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  What  was  the  chief  officer  of  the  league  called? 
2.  How  do  you  know  that  he  was  the  chief  officer? 
(Use  following  extracts.)  3.  How  did  he  obtain  his 
office?  4.  What  bad  influences  do  you  see  at  work  in 
connection  with  the  election? 

Dorimachus  and  Scopas  waited  until  Timoxenus  had 
a  very  short  time  of  office  left,  and  when  Aratus, 
though  elected  by  the  Achaeans  for  the  coming  year, 
would  not  yet  be  in  office.     (IV,  6.) 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  What  office  did  Timoxenus  hold?  2.  How  long 
did  he  serve?  (See  other  extracts.)  3.  Did  a  man 
begin  to  serve  as  soon  as  elected? 

The  year  of  office  as  Strategus  of  the  younger  Aratus 
had  now  come  to  an  end  with  the  rising  of  the 
Pleiades*;  for  that  was  the  arrangement  of  time  then 
observed  by  the  Achaeans.  Accordingly  he  laid  down 
his  office  and  was  succeeded  in  the  command  of  the 
Achaeans  by  Eperatus.     (V,  1.) 

QUESTION. 

1.  What  right  had  Eperatus  to  succeed  Aratus? 

Having  landed  at  Naupactus,  Flaminius  addressed  a 
dispatch  to  the  Strategus  and  Demiurgif  bidding  them 

«  May  13. 

t  Ten  federal  magistrates. 


THE   ACHAEAN    LEAGUE.  (57 

summon  the  Achaeans  to  an  assembly;  to  which  they 
wrote  back  that  "they  would  do  so  if  he  would  write 
them  word  what  the  subjects  were  on  which  he  wished 
to  confer  v/ith  the  Achaeans;  for  the  laws  enjoined 
that  limitation  on  the  magistrates."     (XXIII,  5.) 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  ¥7ho  had  the  power  to  summon  an  assembly?  2. 
Find  other  references  to  the  Demiurgi  (not  by  name). 
4.  Under  what  conditions  could  the  magistrates  sum- 
mon an  assembly? 

When  the  ambassadors  arrived  in  Sparta  with  their 
answer  the  Achaean  Strategus,  as  soon  as  he  had  set- 
tled the  Messenian  business,  summoned  a  congress  at 
Sicyon,  and  on  its  assembling,  proposed  a  resolution 
for  the  reception  of  Sparta  into  the  league.  (XXIII, 
17.) 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  What  powers  of  the  Strategus  are  shown  by  this 
extract?  2.  Who  had  power  to  admit  new  members 
into  the  league? 

THE   COUNCIL. 
The  Achaean  Strategus,  having  summoned  his  col- 
leagues to  council,  and   given  the  envoys  a  hearing, 
answered.     (XXIII,  16.) 

QUESTIONS. 

(Compare  this  extract  with  the  preceding.)  1.  Who 
were  these  colleagues  of  the  Strategus?  2.  V/hat  pur- 
pose did  they  serve?  3.  What  kind  of  business  was 
transacted  here? 

THE  ASSEMBLY. 
In  the  Peloponnesus  a  mission  arrived  before  the 
end  of  the  winter  from  the  two  kings,  Ptolemy  (Phi- 
lometor)  and  Ptolemy  (Physcon),  asking  for  help. 
.  .  .  The  ambassadors  arrived  when  the  Achaean 
congress  was  in  session  in  Corinth.  They  therefore 
came  forward  and,  after  recalling  the  many  evidences 
of  friendship  shown  by  the  Achaeans  to  the  kingdom 
of  Egypt  and  describing  to  them  the  danger  in  which 
the  kings  then  were,  they  entreated  them  to  send  help. 
The  Achaeans  generally  were  ready  enough  to  go  to  the 
help  of  the  kings  (for  both  now  wore  the  diadem  and 
exercised  regal-  functions),  and  not  only  with  a  de- 
tachment, but  with  their  full  levy.     (XXIX,  23.) 


68  EUROTEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 


QUESTIONS. 

1.  Over  what  countries  were  these  kings  rii'ers?  2. 
Were  they  at  war  with  each  other?  3.  What  was  the 
regular  place  of  assembly  for  the  league?  4.  What  is 
meant  by  the  "full  levy"?  5.  Why  should  the 
Achaeans  help  the  kings? 

This  being  the  time,  according  to  their  laws,  for  the 
meeting  of  the  Achaean  federal  assembly,  the  mem- 
bers arrived  at  Aegium.  When  the  assembly  met,  the 
deputies  from  Patrae  and  Pharae  made  a  formal  state- 
ment of  the  injuries  inflicted  upon  their  territories 
during  the  passage  of  the  Aetolians;  an  embassy  from 
Messenia  also  appeared,  begging  for  their  assistance 
on  the  ground  that  the  treatment  from  which  they 
were  suffering  was  unjust  and  in  defiance  of  treaty. 
.  .  .  Roused  to  indignation  by  all  these  considera- 
tions, the  assembly  voted  to  give  assistance  to  the 
Messenians;  that  the  Strategus  should  summon  a  gen- 
eral levy  of  the  Achaean  arms;  and  that  whatever  was 
decided  by  this  levy,  when  it  met,  should  be  done. 
Now  Timoxenus,  the  existing  Strategus,  was  just  on 
the  point  of  quitting  office,  and  felt  besides  small  con- 
fidence in  the  Achaeans,  because  martial  exercise  had 
been  allowed  to  fall  into  neglect  among  them;  he 
therefore  shrank  from  undertaking  the  expedition,  or 
from  even  summoning  the  popular  levy.     (IV,  7.) 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  How  often  and  at  what  time  did  the  assembly 
meet?  2.  Enumerate  the  powers  exercised  by  the  as- 
sembly in  this  extract.  3.  What  defects  in  the  gov- 
ernment are  shown? 

I  have  already  stated  that  in  the  Peloponnese, 
while  Philopoemen  was  still  Strategus,  the  Achaean 
league  sent  an  embassy  to  Rome  on  the  subject  of 
Sparta,  and  another  to  King  Ptolemy  to  renew  their 
ancient  alliance. 

Immediately  after  Philopoemen  had  been  succeeded 
by  Aristaenus  as  Strategus  the  ambassadors  of  King 
Ptolemy  arrived,  while  the  league  meeting  was  assem- 
bled at  Megalopolis.  King  Eumenes  also  had  dis- 
patched an  embassy  offering  to  give  the  Achaeans  one 
hundred  and  twenty  talents  on  condition  that  it  was 
invested  and  the  interest  used  to  pay  the  council  of 
the    league    at    the    time    of    the    federal    assemblies. 


THE   ACHAEAN   LEAGUE. 


69 


Ambassadors  came  also  from  King  Seleucus  to  renew 
his  friendship  with  them,  and  offering  a  present  of  a 
fleet  of  ten  ships  of  war.  But  whep  the  assembly  got 
to  business  the  first  to  come  forward  to  speak  was 
Nicodemus  of  Elis,  who  recounted  to  the  Achaeans 
what  he  and  his  colleagues  had  said  in  the  Senate 
about  Sparta,  and  read  the  answer  of  the  Senate,  which 
was  to  the  effect  tliat  the  Senate  disapproved  of  the 
destruction  of  the  walls,  and  of  the  execution  of  the 
men  put  to  death  at  Compasium,  and  tha^  it  did  not 
rescind  any  arrangement  made.  No  one  saying  a  word 
for  or  against  this,  the  subject  was  allowed  to  pass. 

Next  came  the  ambassadors  from  Eumenes,  who  re- 
newed the  ancestral  friendship  of  the  king  with  the 
Achaeans,  and  stated  to  the  assembly  the  offer  made 
by  him.  They  spoke  at  great  length  on  these  subjects 
and  retired  after  setting  forth  the  greatness  of  the 
king's  kindness  and  affection  to  the  nation.  (XXII, 
10.) 

After  they  had  finished  their  speech,  Apollonidas  of 
Sicyon  rose  and  said  that:  "As  far  as  the  amount  of 
the  money  was  concerned,  it  was  a  present  worthy 
of  the  Achaeans.  But  if  they  looked  to  the  intention 
of  the  donor,  or  the  purpose  to  which  the  gift  was  to  be 
applied,  none  could  well  be  more  insulting  and  more 
unconstitutional.  The  laws  prohibited  any  one, 
whether  a  private  individual  or  magistrate,  from  ac- 
cepting presents  from  a  king  on  any  pretense  what- 
ever; but  if  they  took  this  money  they  would  every 
one  of  them  be  plainly  accepting  a  present,  which  was 
at  once  the  greatest  possible  breach  of  the  law,  and 
confessedly  the  deepest  possible  personal  disgrace. 
For  that  the  council  should  take  a  great  wage  from 
Eumenes,  and  meet  to  deliberate  on  the  interests  of 
the  league  after  swallowing  such  a  bait  was  manifestly 
disgraceful  and  injurious.  It  was  Eumenes  that  offered 
money  now;  presently  it  would  be  Prusias;  and  then 
Seleucus.  But  as  the  interests  of  democracies  and 
kings  are  quite  opposite  to  each  other,  and  as  our  most 
frequent  and  most  important  deliberations  concern  the 
points  of  controversy  arising  between  us  and  the 
kings,  one  of  two  things  must  necessarily  happen; 
either  the  interests  of  the  king  will  have  precedence 
over  our  own  or  we  must  incur  the  reproach  of  ingrati- 
tude   for    opposing    our    paymasters."      He    therefore 


70  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

urged  the  Achaeans  not  only  to  decline  the  offer,  but 
to  hold  Eumenes  in  detestation  for  thinking  of  making 
it.     .     .     . 

After  these  speeches  had  been  delivered  the  people 
showed  such  signs  of  enthusiastic  approval  that  no 
one  ventured  to  speak  on  the  side  of  the  king;  but  the 
whole  assembly  rejected  the  offer  by  acclamation, 
though  its  amount  made  it  exceedingly  tempting. 
(XXII,  11.) 

The  next  subject  introduced  for  debate  was  that  of 
King  Ptolemy.  The  ambassadors  who  had  been  on  the 
mission  to  Ptolemy  were  called  forward,  and  Lycortas, 
acting  as  spokesman,  began  by  stating  how  they  had 
interchanged  oaths  of  alliance  with  the  king;  and  next 
announced  that  they  brought  a  present  from  the  king 
to  the  Achaean  league  of  six  thousand  stands  of  arms 
for  peltasts,  and  two  thousand  talents  in  bronze  coin- 
age. He  added  a  panegyric  on  the  king  and  finished 
his  speech  by  a  brief  reference  to  the  good  will  and 
active  benevolence  of  the  king  towards  the  Achaeans. 
Upon  this  the  Strategus  of  the  Achaeans,  Aristaenus, 
stood  up  and  asked  Lycortas  and  his  colleagues  in  the 
embassy  to  Ptolemy  "which  alliance  it  was  that  he  had 
thus  renewed?" 

No  one  answering  the  question,  but  all  the  assembly 
beginning  to  converse  with  each  other,  the  council 
chamber  was  filled  with  confusion.  The  cause  of  this 
absurd  state  of  things  was  this:  There  had  been  sev- 
eral treaties  of  alliance  formed  between  the  Achaeans 
and  Ptolemy's  kingdom,  as  widely  different  in  their 
provision  as  in  the  circumstances  which  gave  rise  to 
them;  but  neither  had  Ptolemy's  envoy  made  any 
distinction  when  arranging  for  the  renewal,  merely 
speaking  in  general  terms  on  the  matter,  nor  had  the 
ambassadors  sent  from  Achaia;  but  they  had  inter- 
changed the  oaths  on  the  assumption  of  there  being 
but  one  treaty.  The  result  was  that,  on  the  Sirategus 
quoting  all  the  treaties,  and  pointing  out  in  detail  the 
differences  between  them,  which  turned  out  to  be  im- 
portant, the  assembly  demanded  to  know  which  it  was 
that  it  ,was  renewing.  And  when  no  one  was  able  to 
explain,  not  even  Philopoemen  himself,  who  had  been 
in  office  when  the  renewal  was  made,  nor  Lycortas  and 
his  colleagues,  who  had  been  on  the  mission  to  Alex- 
andria, these  men  all  began  to  be  regarded  as  careless 


THE    ACHAEAN    LEAGUE.  71 

in  conducting  the  business  of  the  league;  while  Aris- 
taenus  acquired  great  reputation  as  being  the  only- 
man  who  knew  what  he  was  talking  about;  and  finally 
the  assembly  refused  to  allow  the  ratification,  voting, 
on  account  of  this  blunder,  that  the  business  should 
be  postponed. 

Then  the  ambassadors  from  Seleucus  entered  with 
their  proposal.  The  Achaeans,  however,  voted  to  re- 
new the  friendship  with  Seleucus,  but  to  decline  for 
the  present  the  gift  of  the  ships. 

Having  thus  finished  their  deliberations,  the  assem- 
bly broke  up,  and  the  people  separated  to  their  several 
cities.     (XXII,  12.) 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  How  did  the  league  communicate  with  other 
states?  2.  Why  did  the  kings  offer  presents  to  the 
Achaeans?  3.  Who  composed  the  council?  4.  What 
two  objections  were  made  to  receiving  the  presents  of 
Eumenes?  5.  Were  they  sound?  6.  What  were  oaths 
of  alliance?  7.  How  had  the  Achaean  ambassadors 
shown  their  incompetence?  8.  What  power  of  the 
assembly  shown  here?  9.  Why  were  not  the  presents 
of  Seleucus  treated  in  the  same  way  as  those  of 
Eumenes?  10.  Enumerate  the  steps  in  the  making  of 
an  alliance. 

The  people  were  once  more  inclined  to  grant  the 
aid  when  they  heard  this;  but  Callicrates  and  his  party- 
managed  to  prevent  the  decree  being  passed  by  stag- 
gering the  magistrates  with  the  assertion  that  it  was 
unconstitutional  to  discuss  the  question  of  sending 
help  abroad  in  public  assembly.  But  a  short  time 
afterwards  a  meeting  was  summoned  at  Sicyon  which 
was  attended  not  only  by  the  members  of  the  council, 
but  by  all  citizens  over  thirty  years  of  age;  and 
after  a  lengthened  debate,  Polybius  especially  dwelling 
on  the  fact  that  the  Romans  did  not  require  assist- 
ance.— in  which  he  was  believed  not  to  be  speaking 
without  good  reason,  as  he  had  spent  the  previous  sum- 
mer in  Macedonia  at  the  headquarters  of  Marcus 
Philippus, — and  also  alleging  that  even  supposing  the 
Romans  did  turn  out  to  require  their  active  support, 
the  Achaeans  would  not  be  rendered  incapable  of  fur- 
nishing it  by  the  two  hundred  horse  and  one  thousand 
foot  which  were  to  be  sent  to  Alexandria, — for  they 
could,  without  any  inconvenience,  put  thirty  or  forty 
7 


72  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

thousand  men  into  the  field, — the  majority  of  the  meet- 
ing were  convinced,  and  were  inclined  to  the  idea  of 
sending  the  aid.  Accordingly,  on  the  second  of  the 
two  days  on  which,  according  to  the  laws,  those  who 
wished  to  do  so  were  bound  to  bring  forward  their 
motions,  Lycortas  and  Polybius  proposed  that  the  aid 
should  be  sent.     (XXIX,  24.) 

Archon,  however,  the  Strategus,  rose  to  support  the 
envoys, — for  it  was  a  matter  that  called  for  an  expres- 
sion of  opinion  from  the  Strategus, — but  after  a  few 
words  he  stood  down,  afraid  of  being  thought  to  be 
giving  his  advice  from  interested  motives  and  the  hope 
of  making  money,  because  he  had  spent  a  large  sum  on 
his  office.  Amidst  a  general  feeling  of  doubt  and  hesi- 
tation, Polybius  rose  and  delivered  a  long  speech. 
But  that  part  of  it  which  best  fell  in  with  the  feelings 
of  the  populace  was  that  in  which  he  showed  that  "The 
original  decree  of  the  Achaeans  in  regard  to  these 
honours  enacted  that  such  honours  as  were  improper 
and  contrary  to  law  were  to  be  abolished,  but  not  all 
honours  by  any  means.     (XXVIII,  7.) 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  Name  all  the  states  with  which  the  Achaeans  had 
foreign  relations.  2.  Describe  the  character  of  these 
relations.  3.  Who  wefe  "the  magistrates"?  4.  Was 
Callicrates'  statement  correct?  5.  Of  whom  was  the 
assembly  composed?  6.  Who  had  a  right  to  propose 
measures?  7.  At  what  time?  8.  What  indication  do 
you  find  of  the  strength  of  the  league?  9.  Did  the 
Strategus  preside  over  the  assembly?  10.  How  could 
Archon  make  money  by  speaking? 

The  resolutions  passed  by  the  Achaean  federal  as- 
sembly were  these:  That  embassies  should  be  sent  to 
Epirus,  Boeotia,  Phocis,  Acarnania,  and  Philip  to  de- 
clare how  the  Aetolians,  in  defiance  of  treaty,  had 
twice  entered  Achaia  with  arms,  and  to  call  upon  them 
for  assistance  in  virtue  of  their  agreement,  and  for 
their  consent  to  the  admission  of  the  Messenians  into 
the  alliance.  Next,  that  the  Strategus  of  the  Achaeans 
should  enroll  five  thousand  foot  and  five  hundred  horse 
and  support  the  Messenians  in  case  the  Aetolians  were 
to  invade  their  territory,  and  to  arrange  with  the 
Lacedaemonians  and  Messenians  how  many  horse  and 
foot  were  to  be  supplied  by  them  severally  for  the 
service  of  the  league.     (IV,  15.) 


THE   ACHAEAN   LEAGUE.  73^ 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  What  kind  of  business  is  the  assembly  transacting 
here?  2.  Were  the  Messenians  and  Lacedaemonians 
members  of  the  league?  3.  Why  should  the  league  ex- 
pect help  of  the  states  mentioned  above?  4.  What 
powers  of  the  Strategus  are  shown  above? 

THE   ARMY  AND  NAVY. 

After  arranging  this  settlement,  Aratus  broke  up  his 
camp,  and  going  on  himself  to  the  congress  of  the 
Achaeans,  handed  over  the  mercenaries  to  Lycus  of 
Pharae,  as  the  Sub-Strategus  of  the  league.  .  .  . 
About  the  same  time  the  Navarch  of  the  league,  having 
gone  on  an  expedition  to  Molycria,  returned  with 
nearly  a  hundred  captives.  Returning  once  more  to 
Aetolia,  he  sailed  to  Chalceia  and  captured  two  war- 
ships, with  their  crews,  which  put  out  to  resist  him; 
and  took  also  a  long  boat,  with  its  men,  on  the 
Aetolian  Rhium.  There  being  thus  an  influx  of  booty 
both  by  sea  and  land  at  the  same  period,  and  a  con- 
siderable amount  of  money  and  provisions  being  ob- 
tained from  this,  the  soldiers  felt  confident  of  getting 
their  pay,  and  the  cities  of  the  league  were  sanguine  of 
not  being  likely  to  be  hard  pressed  by  their  contribu- 
tions.    (V,  94.) 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  What  other  officers  in  the  league  besides  the  Strat- 
egus? 2.  What  bad  features  appear  in  the  organiza- 
tion of  the  army?     3.  How  was  it  supported? 

About  the  same  time  Euripidas,  who  had  been  sent 
out  to  act  as  general  to  the  Eleans,  after  overrunning 
the  districts  of  Dyme,  Pharae,  and  Tritaea,  and  collect- 
ing a  considerable  amount  of  booty,  was  marching 
back  to  Elis.  But  Miccus  of  Dyme,  who  happened  at 
the  time  to  be  Sub-Strategus  of  the  Achaean  league, 
went  out  to  the  rescue  with  a  body  of  Dymaeans, 
Phai'aeans,  and  Tritaeans,  and  attacked  him  as  he  was 
returning.     (IV,  59.) 

Being  then  appointed  Hipparch  by  the  Achaean 
league  at  this  time,  and  finding  the  squadrons  in  a 
state  of  utter  demoralization  and  the  men  thoroughly 
dispirited,  he  did  not  only  restore  them  to  a  better 
state  than  they  were,  but  in  a  short  time  made  them 
even  superior  to  the  enemy's  cavalry  by  bringing  them 
all  to  adopt  habits  of  real  training  and  genuine  emula- 


74  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

tion.  The  fact  is  that  most  of  those  who  hold  this 
office  of  Hipparch,  either,  from  being  without  any 
genius  themselves  for  cavalry  tactics,  do  not  venture 
to  enforce  necessary  orders  upon  others;  or,  because 
they  are  aiming  at  being  elected  Strategus,  try  all 
through  their  year  of  office  to  attach  the  young  men 
to  themselves  and  to  secure  their  favor  in  the  coming 
election;  and  accordingly  never  administer  necessary 
reprimands,  which  are  the  salvation  of  the  public  in- 
terests, but  hush  up  all  transgressions,  and,  for  the 
sake  of  gaining  an  insignificant  popularity,  do  great 
damage  to  those  who  trust  them.  Sometimes,  again, 
commanders,  though  neither  feeble  nor  corrupt,  do 
more  damage  to  the  soldiers  by  intemperate  zeal  than 
the  negligent  ones,  and  this  is  still  oftener  the  case 
with  regard  to  the  cavalry.    .     .    .     (X,  22.) 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  What  common  defects  of  a  democratic  society  are 
shown  in  this  extract  upon  the  league? 

When  the  next  winter  came  Philip,  having  departed 
to  Macedonia,  and  the  Achaean  Strategus,  Eperatus, 
having  incurred  the  contempt  of  the  Achaean  soldiers 
and  the  complete  disregard  of  the  mercenaries,  no  one 
would  obey  his  orders,  and  no  preparation  was  made 
for  the  defense  of  the  country.  This  was  observed  by 
Pyrrhias,  who  had  been  sent  by  the  Aetolians  to  com- 
mand the  Eleans.  ...  He  now  began  committing 
frequent  raids,  not  only  upon  the  territories  of  Dyme 
and  Pharae,  but  upon  that  of  Patrae  also.  .  .  .  The 
result  was  that  the  cities,  being  exposed  to  much  suf- 
fering, and  unable  to  obtain  any  assistance,  began  to 
make  difficulties  about  paying  their  contribution  to 
the  league;  and  the  soldiers,  finding  their  pay  always 
in  arrear  and  never  paid  at  the  right  time,  acted  in  the 
same  way  about  going  to  the  relief  of  the  towns.  Both 
parties,  thus  mutually  retaliating  on  each  other,  affairs 
went  from  bad  to  worse,  and  at  last  the  foreign  con- 
tingent broke  up  altogether.  And  all  this  was  the  re- 
sult of  the  incompetence  of  the  chief  magistrate.  The 
time  for  the  next  election  finding  the  Achaean  affairs 
in  this  state,  Eperatus  laid  down  his  office,  and  just  at 
the  beginning  of  summer  Aratus  the  elder  was  elected 
Strategus.     (V,  30.) 

Now,  when  Aratus  came  into  office  he  found  the 


THE   ACHAEAN   LEAGUE.  75 

mercenary  army  of  the  league  in  a  state  of  complete 
demoralization,  and  the  cities  very  slack  to  pay  the 
tax  for  their  support,  owing  to  the  bad  and  spiritless 
manner  in  which  his  predecesssor,  Eperatus,  had  man- 
aged the  affairs  of  the  league.  He,  however,  exhorted 
the  members  of  the  league  to  reform,  and  obtained  a 
decree  dealing  with  this  matter;  and  then  threw  him- 
self with  energy  into  the  preparation  for  the  war.  The 
decree  passed  by  the  Achaeans  ordered  the  mainte- 
nance of  eight  thousand  mecenary  infantry  and  five 
hundred  horse,  together  with  three  thousand  Achaean 
infantry  and  three  hundred  horse,  enrolled  in  the  usual 
way;  and  that  of  these  latter  five  hundred  foot  and 
fifty  horse  were  to  be  brazen-shield  men  from  Mega- 
lopolis, and  the  same  number  of  Argives.  It  ordered 
also  that  three  ships  should  be  manned  to  cruise  off 
Acte  and  in  the  Argolic  gulf,  and  three  off  Patrae  and 
Dyme,  and  in  the  sea  there.     (V,  91.) 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  Enumerate  the  ills  from  which  the  league  suffered 
under  Eperatus.  2.  How  did  the  situation  change 
under  Aratus?  3.  To  what  was  the  change  due?  4. 
Did  the  Strategus  generally  lay  down  his  office  before 
his  successor  had  been  elected?  5.  Make  an  outline 
and  write  a  papei  upon  the  Achaean  league,  citing  evi- 
dence. 


THE  ROMAN  CONSTITUTION. 


(") 


CHAPTER  VI. 


THE  KOMAN  CONSTITUTION. 

The  Histories  of  Polvbius.  Trauslated  from 
the  text  of  F.  Hultseh  by  Evelyn  S. 
Schuckburgh,  M.  A.    2  vols.     New  York, 

1889. 

{{  BRIEF  sketch  of  the  life  of  Polybius  was 
given  in  the  preceding  chapter  of  the 
Studies,  and  it  is  unnecessary  to  repeat 
it  here.  Emphasis  should,  however,  be  laid 
upon  three  points,  two  of  which  have  been 
mentioned  before,  namely,  the  training  of 
Polybius  as  a  statesman,  his  excellent  oppor- 
tunity to  study  the  Roman  constitution 
through  his  sixteen  years  of  residence  in  Rome, 
and  the  great  importance  that  he  himself  at- 
tached to  this  institution. 

The  value  of  the  observations  of  a  witness 
depends  largely  upon  his  powers  of  observation. 
*'The  eye  sees  in  an  object  what  the  eye  brings 
power  of  seeing."  Now,  Polybius  had  a  well- 
trained  eye.  He  was  familiar  with  all  the  con- 
stitutions of  Greece  and  knew  their  merits  and 
defects.  The  portions  of  his  work  in  which 
he  compares  the  constitutions  of  Sparta  and 
Athens  with  the  constitution  of  Rome  are 
among  the  most  valuable  things  that  he  wrote. 
In  speaking  of  the  Athenian  constitution  he 
affirmed  that  ''its  highest  perfection  was  at- 
tained during  the  brilliant  career  of  Themis- 
tocles;  and  having  reached  that  point  it  quickly 
declined,  owing  to  its  essential  instability.  For 
the  Athenian  demus  is  always  in  the  position  of 
a  ship  without  a  commander.  In  such  a  ship, 
(78) 


THE    ROMAN    CONSTITUTION.  79 

if  fear  of  the  enemy  or  the  occurrence  of  a  storm 
induce  the  crew  to  be  of  one  mind  and  to  obey 
the  helmsman,  everything  goes  well,  but  if 
they  recover  from  this  fear  and  begin  to  treat 
their  officers  with  contempt  and  to  quarrel  with 
each  other  because  they  are  no  longer  all  of  one 
mind, — one  party  wishing  to  continue  the  voy- 
age and  the  other  urging  the  steersiuan  to  bring 
the  ship  to  anchor;  some  letting  out  the  sheets 
and  others  hauling  them  in  and  ordering  the 
sails  to  be  furled, — then  discords  and  quarrels 
make  a  sorry  show  to  lookers  on."     (VI,  44.) 

Of  the  Spartan  constitution  he  said  "that  for 
guarding  their  own  country  with  absolute 
safety  and  for  preserving  their  o^^  n  freedom 
the  legislation  of  Lycurgus  was  entirely  suf- 
ficient; and  for  those  who  are  content  with 
these  objects  we  must  concede  that  there 
neither  exists,  nor  ever  has  existed,  a  constitu- 
tion and  civil  order  superior  to  that  of  Sparta." 
(VI,  50.) 

But  ''if  any  one  is  seeking  aggrandisement 
.  .  .  the  Spartan  constitution  is  deficient, 
and  that  of  Rome  superior  and  better  consti- 
tuted for  obtaining  power."     (VI,  50.) 

Besides  holding  office  in  the  Achaean  league, 
Polybius  was  constantly  engaged  in  diplomatic 
affairs  during  the  larger  part  of  his  political 
life.  This  training  made  him  a  witness  per- 
fectly capable  of  dealing  with  such  questions  as 
the  constitution  of  a  state;  he  could  treat  such 
matters  as  a  spLcialist. 

But  it  is  not  only  necessary  that  a  witness 
should  be  capable  of  observation;  he  should 
also  have  sufficient  opportunity  to  observe. 
Here  again  Polybirfs  meets  the  requirements. 
He  had  studied  the  Roman  constitution  under 
many  diffenuit  asjvects.  In  Rome  itself  he  had 
followed  its  workings  year  after  year,  and  had 
been  aided  in  his  efforts  to  understand  it  by 


80  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

some  of  the  greatest  of  the  Romans,  men  who 
were  his  daily  companions.  He  had  seen  the 
Roman  citizen  as  a  soldier  and  had  been  pres- 
ent at  the  fall  of  Carthage;  while  in  the  organi- 
zation of  new  territory  that  had  fallen  to  Rome 
in  Greece  he  had  himself  been  a  prominent 
factor. 

But  he  was  a  Greek  and  looked  upon  the 
Roman  institutions  with  the  keen  eyes  of  a 
countryman  of  Aristotle  and  of  one  who  under- 
stood their  tremendous  importance.  He  appre- 
ciated the  significance  of  the  great  empire  that 
Rome  had  built  up  and  he  wrote  his  history 
that  others  might  appreciate  it  too.  Among 
the  causes  that  contributed  to  make  Rome 
mistress  of  the  Mediterranean  he  counts  the 
Roman  constitution  of  primary  importance. 

TRIPLE    ELEMENT    IN    THE    ROMAN    CONSTITUTION. 

As  for  the  Roman  constilution,  it  had  three  elements, 
each  of  them  possessing  sovereign  powers:  and  their 
respective  share  of  power  in  the  whole  state  had  been 
regulated  with  such  a  scrupulous  regard  to  equality 
and  equilibrium  that  no  one  could  say  for  certain,  not 
even  a  native,  whether  the  constitution  as  a  whole 
were  an  aristocracy  or  a  democracy  or  despotism.  And 
no  wonder:  for  if  we  confine  our  observation  to  the 
power  of  the  Consuls  we  should  be  inclined  to  regard 
it  as  despotic;  if  on  that  of  the  Senate,  as  aristocratic; 
and  if  finally  one  look  at  the  power  possessed  by  the 
people  it  would  seem  a  clear  case  of  democracy.  What 
the  exact  powers  of  these  several  parts  were,  and 
still,  with  slight  modifications,  are,  I  will  now  state. 
(VI,  11.) 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  Define  the  terms  "aristocracy,"  "democracy."' 
"despotism."  2.  Why  did  Polybius  find  difficulty  in 
classifying  the  Roman  constitution?  3.  How  could 
each  of  the  elements  possess  "sovereign  powers"  and 
equality  and  equilibrium  be  maintained  in  the  state? 
4.  Was  Polybius  describing  the  constitution  of  his  own 
day? 


THE    ROMAN    CONSTITUTION.  81 

THE    CONSULS. 

The  Consuls,  before  leading  out  the  legions,  remain 
in  Rome  and  are  supreme  masters  of  the  administra- 
tion. All  other  magistrates,  except  the  Tribunes,  are 
under  them  and  take  their  orders.  They  introduce  for- 
eign ambassadors  to  the  Senate;  bring  matters  requir- 
ing deliberation  before  it;  and  see  to  the  execution  of 
its  decrees.  If,  again,  there  are  any  matters  of  state 
which  require  the  authorization  of  the  people,  it  is 
their  business  to  see  to  them,  to  summon  the  popular 
meetings,  to  bring  the  proposals  before  them  and  to 
carry  out  the  djecrees  of  the  majority.  In  the  prepa- 
rations for  war,  also,  and,  in  a  word,  in  the  entire 
administration  of  a  campaign,  they  have  all  but  abso- 
lute power.  It  is  competent  to  them  to  impose  on  the 
allies  such  levies  as  they  think  good,  to  appoint  the 
Military  Tribunes,  to  make  up  the  roll  for  soldiers, 
and  to  select  those  that  are  suitable.  Besides,  they 
have  absolute  power  of  afflicting  punishment  on  all 
who  are  under  their  command  while  on  active  service; 
and  they  have  authority  to  expend  as  much  of  the 
public  money  as  they  choose,  being  accompanied  by  a 
Quaestor,  who  is  entirely  at  their  orders.  A  survey  of 
these  powers  would,  in  fact,  justify  our  describing  the 
constitution  as  despotic, — a  clear  case  of  royal  gov- 
ernment. Nor  will  it  affect  the  truth  of  my  descrip- 
tion, if  any  of  the  institutions  I  have  described  are 
changed  in  our  time,  or  in  that  of  our  posterity;  and 
the  same  remarks  apply  to  what  follows.     (VI,  12.) 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  Make  a  list  of  the  powers  possessed  by  the  Con- 
suls, classifying  them  under  such  heads  as. War,  Law, 
Administration,  etc.  2.  Enumerate  the  checks  upon 
the  Consul's  power  and  show  how  important  they  were. 
3.  What  would  we  call  the  Quaestor  to-day?  4.  Why 
was  the  Consul  allowed  to  spend  as  much  of  the  pub- 
lic money  as  he  chose?  5.  Compare  the  powers  of  the 
Consuls  with  those  of  our  President.  6.  Why  has 
this  change  taken  place  in  our  day? 

THE    SENATE. 

The  Senate  has  first  of  all  the  control  of  the  treasury, 
and  regulates  the  receipts  and  disbursements  alike. 
For  the  Quaestors  cannot  isssue  any  public  money  for 
the  various  departments  of  the  state  without  a  decree 


82  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

of  the  Senate,  except  for  the  service  of  the  Consuls. 
The  Senate  controls  also  what  is  by  far  the  largest  and 
most  important  expendilure,  that,  namely,  which  is 
made  by  the  censors  every  lustrum  (five  years)  for 
the  repair  or  construction  of  public  buildings;  this 
money  cannot  be  obtained  by  the  censors  except  by 
the  grant  of  the  Senate.  Similarly  all  crimes  com- 
mitted in  Italy  requiring  a  public  invesllgation,  such 
as  treason,  conspiracy,  poisoning,  or  wilful  murder, 
are  in  the  hands  of  the  Senate.  Besides,  if  any  indi- 
vidual or  state  among  the  Italian  allies  requires  a 
controversy  to  be  settled,  a  penalty  to  be  assessed,  he'.p 
of  protection  to  be  afforded, — all  this  *is  the  province 
of  the  Senate.  Or  again,  outside  of  Italy,  if  it  is  neces- 
sary to  send  an  embassy  to  reconcile  warring  com- 
munities, or  to  remind  them  of  their  duty,  or  sometimes 
to  impose  requisitions  upon  them,  or  to  receive  their 
submission,  or  finally  to  proclaim  war  against  them, — 
this  too  is  the  business  of  the  Senate.  With  such  busi- 
ness the  people  have  nothing  to  do.  Consequently, 
if  one  were  staying  at  Rome  when  the  Consuls  were 
not  in  town,  one  would  imagine  tha  constitution  to  be 
a  complete  aristocracy:  and  this  has  been  the  idea 
entertained  by  many  Greeks,  and  by  many  kings  as 
well,  from  the  fact  that  nearly  all  the  business  they 
had  with  Rome  was  settled  by  the  Senate.     (VI,  13.) 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  Make  a  list  of  the  powers  of  the  Senate,  classify- 
ing them.  2.  What  body  or  bodies  in  our  government 
possess  the  powers  held  by  the  Roman  Senate?  3. 
Which  arrangement  is  better  and  why?  4.  What  men 
in  our  state  government  perform  the  duties  here 
ascribed  to  the  censors? 

THE    TEOPLB 

After  this  one  would  naturally  be  inclined  to  ask 
what  part  is  left  for  the  people  in  the  constitution, 
when  the  Senate  has  these  various  functions,  especially 
the  control  of  the  receipts  and  expenditures  of  the 
exchequer;  and  when  the  Con  uls,  again,  have  absolule 
power  over  the  details  of  military  preparation,  and  an 
absolute  authority  in  the  field?  There  is,  however,  a 
part  left  the  people,  and  it  is  a  most  important  one. 
For  the  people  is  the  sole  fountain  of  honor  and  of 


THE    ROMAN    CONSTITUTION.  83 

punishment;  and  it  is  by  these  two  things  and  these 
alone  that  dynasties  and  constitutions,  and,  in  a  word, 
human  society  are  held  together:  for  where  the  dis- 
tinction between  them  is  not  sharply  drawn,  both  in 
theory  and  practice,  there  no  undertaking  can  be 
properly  administered, — as  indeed  we  might  expect 
when  good  and  bad  are  held  in  exactly  the  same  honor. 
The  people  then  are  the  only  court  to  decide  matters 
of  life  and  death;  and  even  in  cases  where  the  penalty 
is  money,  if  the  sum  to  be  assessed  is  sufficiently  seri- 
ous, and  especially  when  the  accused  have  held  the 
high  magistracies.  And  in  regard  to  this  arrangement 
there  is  one  point  deserving  especial  commendation 
and  record.  Men  who  are  on  trial  for  their  lives  at 
Rome,  while  sentence  is  in  process  of  being  voted, — if 
even  one  of  the  tribes  whose  votes  are  needed  to  ratify 
the  sentence  has  not  voted, — have  the  privilege  at 
Rome  of  cp;nly  departing  and  condemning  thimselves 
to  a  voluntary  exile.  Such  men  are  safe  at  Naples  or 
Praeneste  or  at  Tibur,  and  at  other  towns  with  which 
this  arrangement  has  been  duly  ratified  on  oath. 

Again,  it  is  the  people  who  bestow  offices  on  the  de- 
serving, which  are  the  most  honorable  rewards  of  vir- 
tue. It  has  also  the  absolute  power,  of  passing  and 
repealing  laws;  and  most  important  of  all,  it  is  the 
people  who  deliberate  on  the  question  of  peace  or  war. 
And  when  provisional  terms  are  made  for  alliance, 
suspension  of  hostilities,  or  treaties,  it  is  the  people 
who  ratify  them  or  the  reverse. 

These  considerations  again  would  lead  one  to  say 
that  the  chief  power  in  the  state  was  the  people's,  and 
that  the  constitution  was  a  democracy.     (VI,  14.) 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  Enumerate  the  powers  of  the  people  and  classify 
thefti.  2.  Indicate  the  importance  of  each.  3.  Who  ex- 
ercises these  powers  in  our  government?  4.  Why  must 
a  man  decide  to  go  into  exile  before  the  ?«.s<  tnbe  has 
voted?  5.  Why  were  not  exiles  safe  elsewhere  than  at 
Naples,  Praeneste,  and  Tibur? 

MUTUAL    RELATION    OF    THE    THREE. CONSUL    DE- 
PENDENT ON   SENATE  AND  PEOPLE. 

Such,  then,  is  the  distribution  of  power  between  the 
several  parts  of  the  state.    I  must  now  show  how  each 


84  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

of  these  several  parts  can,  when  they  choose,  oppose 
or  support  each  other. 

The  Consul,  then,  when  he  has  started  on  an  expe- 
dition with  the  powers  I  have  described,  is  to  all  ap- 
pearance absolute  in  the  admmistration  of  the  busiriess 
in  hand;  still  he  has  need  of  the  support  both  of  people 
and  of  Senate,  and  without  them  is  quite  unable  to 
bring  the  matter  to  a  successful  conclusion.  For  it 
is  plain  that  he  must  have  supplies  sent  to  his  legions 
from  time  to  time;  but  without  a  decree  of  the  Senate 
they  can  be  supplied  neither  with  corn,  nor  clothes, 
nor  pay,  so  that  all  the  plans  of  a  commander  must  be 
futile  if  the  Senate  is  resolved  either  to  shrink  from 
danger  or  hamper  his  plans.  And  again,  whether  a 
Consul  shall  bring  any  undertaking  to  a  conclusion  or 
no  depends  entirely  upon  the  Senate:  for  it  has  abso- 
lute authority  at  the  end  of  a  year  to  send  another 
Consul  to  supersede  him,  or  to  continue  the  existing 
one  in  his  command.  Again,  even  to  the  successes  of 
the  generals,  the  Senate  has  the  power  to  add  distinc- 
tion and  glory,  and  on  the  other  hand  to  obscure  their 
merits  and  lower  their  credit.  For  these  high 
achievements  are  brought  in  tangible  form  before  the 
eyes  of  the  citizens  by  what  are  called  "triumphs." 
But  these  triumphs  the  commanders  cannot  celebrate 
with  proper  pomp,  or  in  some  cases  celebrate  at  all, 
unless  the  Senate  concurs  and  grants  the  necessary 
money.  As  for  the  people,  the  Consuls  are  pre-emi- 
nently obliged  to  court  their  favor,  however  distant 
from  home  may  be  the  field  of  their  operations;  for  it 
is  the  people,  as  I  have  said  before,  that  ratifies,  or 
refuses  to  ratify,  terms  of  peace  and  treaties;  but  most 
of  all  because  when  laying  down  their  office  they  have 
to  give  an  account  of  their  administration  before  it. 
Therefore  in  no  case  is  it  safe  for  the  Consuls  to  neg- 
lect either  the  Senate  or  the  good  will  of  the  people. 
(VI,  15.) 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  Where  is  the  power  of  the  Consuls  practically  ab- 
solute? 2.  When  did  the  Senate  have  the  greatest 
opportunity  to  increase  its  power?  3.  How  do  you 
reconcile  the  statement  above  about  the  dependence  of 
the  Consul  upon  the  Senate  with  the  statement  in  a 
previous  extract  that  the  money  for  the  service  of  the 
Consuls  was  issued  without  a  decree  of  the  Senate? 
4.  Show  all  the  ways  in  which  the  Senate  might  ill- 
treat  a  Consul  whom  it  disliked. 


THE  ROMAN  CONSTITUTION.         85 

THE  SENATE  CONTROLLED  BY  THE  PEOPLE. 

As  to  the  Senate,  which  possess  the  immense  power 
I  have  described,  in  the  first  place  it  is  obliged,  in  pub- 
lic affairs,  to  take  the  multitude  into  account,  and  re- 
spect the  wishes  of  the  people;  and  it  cannot  put  into 
execution  the  penalty  for  offences  against  the  republic 
which  are  punishable  by  death,  unless  the  people  first 
ratify  its  decrees.  Similarly,  even  in  matters  which 
directly  affect  the  senators — for  instance,  in  the  case 
of  a  law  diminishing  the  Senate's  traditional  au:hority, 
or  depriving  senators  of  certain  dignities  and  offices, 
or  even  actually  cutting  down  their  property, — even  in 
such  cases  the  people  have  the  sole  power  of  passing 
or  rejecting  the  law.  But  most  important  of  all  is 
the  fact  that,  if  the  Tribunes  interpose  their  veto,  the 
Senate  not  only  are  unable  to  pass  a  decree,  but  cannot 
even  hold  a  meeting  at  all,  whether  formal  or  informal. 
Now,  the  Tribunes  are  always  bound  to  carry  out  the 
decree  of  the  people,  and  above  all  things  to  have  re- 
gard to  their  wishes:  therefore,  for  all  these  reasons 
the  Senate  stands  in  awe  of  the  multitude,  and  cannot 
neglect  the  feelings  of  the  people.     (VI,  16.) 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  Under  what  circumstances  is  the  power  of  the 
people  greater  than  that  of  the  Senate?  2.  What  is 
the  great  advantage  that  the  Senate  has?  3.  What 
is  its  most  dangerous  opponent  and  why?  4.  Why 
would  the  Senate  be  naturaily  conservative? 

THE  PEOPLE  DEPENDENT  ON  THE  SENATE  AND 
CONSUL. 

In  like  manner  the  people  on  its  part  is  far  from 
being  independent  of  the  Senate,  and  is  bound  to  take 
its  wishes  into  account,  both  collectively  and  indi- 
vidually. For  contracts,  too  numerous  to  count,  are 
given  out  by  the  censors  in  all  parts  of  Italy  for  the 
repairs  or  construction  of  public  buildings;  there  is 
also  the  collection  of  revenue  from  many  rivers,  har- 
bors, gardens,  mines,  and  land,— everything,  in  a  wo;  d, 
that  comes  under  the  control  of  the  Roman  govern- 
ment: and  in  all  these  the  people  at  large  are  engaged; 
so  that  there  is  scarcely  a  man,  so  to  speak,  who  is  not 
interested  either  as  a  contractor  or  as  being  employed 
in  the  works.     For  some  purchase  the  contracts  from 


86  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

the  censors  themselves;  and  others  go  partners  with 
th6m;  while  others  again  go  security  for  these  con- 
tractors, or  actually  pledge  their  property  to  the 
treasury  for  them.  Now  over  all  these  transactions  the 
Senate  has  absolule  control.  It  can  gram  an  extension 
of  time;  and  in  case  of  unforeseen  accident  can  relieve 
the  contractors  from  a  portion  of  their  obligation,  or 
release  them  from  it  altogether,  if  they  are  absolutely 
unable  to  fulfill  it.  And  there  are  many  details  in 
which  the  Senate  can  inflict  great  hardships,  or,  on  the 
other  hand,  grant  great  indu'gences  to  the  con  ractois; 
for  in  every  case  the  appeal  is  to  it.  But  the  most 
important  point  of  all  is  that  the  judges  are  taken  from 
its  members  in  the  majority  of  trials,  whether  public 
or  private,  in  which  the  charges  are  heavy.  Conse- 
quently all  citizens  are  much  at  its  mercy;  and  being 
alarmed  at  the  uncertainty  as  to  when  they  may  need 
its  aid,  are  cautious  about  resisting  or  actively  oppos- 
ing its  will.  And  for  a  similar  reason  men  do  not 
rashly  resist  the  wishes  of  the  Consuls,  because  one  and 
all  may  become  subject  to  their  absolute  authority  on 
a  campaign.     (VI,  17.) 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  What  ties  bind  the  people  to  Senate  and  Consuls? 

2.  What  condition  of  things  in  our  government  is 
similar  to  the  relation  of  the  people  to  the   Senate? 

3.  Was  the  feeling  that  prompted  obedience  to  the 
Consuls  an  ideal  one?  4.  How  might  the  Consuls 
abuse  this  advantage? 

A   FIRM   UNION   FOR    ALL    EMERGENCIES. 

The  result  of  this  power  of  the  several  estates  for 
mutual  help  or  harm  is  a  union  sufficiently  firm  for  all 
emergencies,  and  a  constitution  than  which  it  is  im- 
possible to  find  a  better.  For  v.'henever  any  danger 
from  without  compels  them  to  unite  end  w:rk  together, 
the  strength  which  is  developed  by  the  state  is  so 
extraordinary  that  everything  required  is  unfailingly 
carried  out  by  the  eager  rivalry  shown  by  all  classes 
to  devote  their  whole  minds  to  the  need  of  the  hour, 
and  to  secure  that  any  determination  come  to  should 
not  fail  for  want  of  prompt!  ude;  while  each  individual 
works,  privately  and  pub'icly  a'iks,  for  the  accomplish- 
ment of  the  business  in  hand.  Accordingly  the  pe- 
culiar constitution  of  the  state  makes  it  irresistible. 


THE    ROMAN    CONSTITUTION.  87 

and  certain  of  obtaining  whatever  it  determines  to 
attempt.  Nay,  even  wlien  these  external  alarms  are 
past,  and  the  people  are  enjoying  their  good  fortune 
and  the  fruits  of  their  victories,  and,  as  usually  happens, 
growing  corrupted  by  flattery  and  idleness,  show  a 
tendency  to  violence  and  arrogance, — it  is  in  these 
circumstances,  more  than  ever,  that  the  constitution 
is  seen  to  possess  within  itself  the  power  of  correcting 
abuses.  For  when  any  one  of  the  three  classes  be- 
comes puffed  up  and  manifests  an  inclination  to  be 
contentious  and  unduly  encroaching,  the  mutual  inter- 
dependency  of  all  the  three,  and  the  possibility  of  the 
pretensions  of  any  one  being  checked  and  thwarted 
by  the  others,  must  plainly  check  this  tendency:  and 
so  the  proper  equilibrium  is  maintained  by  the  im- 
pulsiveness of  the  one  part  being  checked  by  its  fear 
of  the  other (VI,  18.) 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  What  was  evidently  the  one  condition  upon  which 
the  successful  working  of  the  constitution  depended? 
2.  Explain,  making  use  of  the  above  extracts,  how  the 
encroachments  of  one  element  in  the  constitution 
might  be  checked  by  the  others.  3.  What  are  the  de- 
fects of  the  Roman  constitution?  4.  Make  a  table  of 
the  Roman  constitution,  showing  how  power  was  di- 
vided, making  use  of  all  the  material  supplied  in  the 
above  extracts. 

ON    THE    ROMAN    ARMY. 

After  electing  Consuls  they  proceed  to  elect  military 
tribunes, — fourteen  from  those  who  had  five  years',  and 
ten  from  those  who  had  ten  years',  service.  All  citi- 
zens must  serve  ten  years  in  the  cavalry  or  twenty 
years-  in  the  infantry  before  the  forty-sixth  year  of 
their  age,  except  those  rated  below  four  hundred  asses. 
The  latter  are  employed  in  the  navy;  but  if  any  great 
public  necessity  arises  they  are  obliged  to  serve  as  in- 
fantry also  for  twenty  campaigns;  and  no  one  can  hold 
an  office  in  the  state  until  he  has  completed  ten  years 
of  military  service.    .     .    , 

'  THE   LEVY. 

When  the  Consuls  are  about  to  enroll  the  army  they 
give  public  notice  of  the  day  on  which  all  Roman  citi- 
zens of  military  age  must  appear.    This  is  done  every 

8 


88  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

year.  When  the  day  has  arrived,  and  the  citizens  fit 
for  service  have  come  to  Rome  and  have  assembled 
on  the  Capitoline,  the  fourteen  junior  tribunes  divide 
themselves,  in  the  order  in  which  they  were  appointed 
by  the  people  or  by  the  Impsrators,  into  four  divisions, 
because  the  primary  division  of  the  forces  thus  raised 
is  into  four  legions.  The  four  tribunes  first  appointed 
are  assigned  to  the  legion  called  the  1st;  the  next  three 
to  the  2d;  the  next  four  to  the  3d;  and  the  three  last 
to  the  4th.  Of  the  ten  senior  tribunes,  the  two  first 
are  assigned  to  the  1st  legion;  the  next  three  to  the 
2d;  the  two  next  to  the  3d;  and  the  three  last  to  the 
4th.     (VI,  19.) 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  What  was  the  principal  way  in  which  a  Roman 
served  the  state?  2.  How  were  Consuls  and  Tribunes 
chosen?  3.  How  were  young  men  practically  excluded 
from  holding  office  in  the  state?  4.  What  were  the 
three  branches  of  service  and  their  relative  impor- 
tance? 5.  Why  were  the  Tribunes  distributed  in  this 
peculiar  manner  among  the  legions? 

THE    DISTRIBUTION    OP    RECRUITS.  , 

This  division  and  assignment  of  the  tribunes  having 
been  settled  in  such  a  way  that  all  four  legions  have 
an  equal  number  of  officers,  the  Tribunes  of  the  several 
legions  take  up  a  separate  position  and  draw  lots  for 
the  tribes,  one  by  one;  and  summon  the  tribe  on  whom 
it  from  time  to  time  falls.  From  this  tribe  they  select 
four  young  men  as  nearly  like  each  other  in  age  and 
physical  strength  as  possible.  These  four  are  brought 
forward,  and  the  Tribunes  of  the  first  legion  pick  out 
one  of  them,  those  of  the  second  another,  those  of  the 
third  another,  and  the  fourth  has  to  take  the  last. 
When  the  next  four  are  selected  the  Tribunes  of  the 
second  legion  have  the  first  choice,  and  those  of  the 
first  the  last.  With  the  next  four  the  Tribunes  of  the 
third  legion  have  the  first  choice,  those  of  the  second 
the  last;  and  so  on  in  regular  rotation:  of  which  the 
result  is  that  each  legion  gets  men  of  much  the  same 
standard.  But  when  they  have  selected  the  number 
prescribed,— which  is  four  thousand  two  hundred  in- 
fantry for  each  legion,  or  at  times  of  special  danger 
five  thousand, — they  next  used  to  pass  men  for  the 
cavalry,  in  old  times  after  the  four  thousand  two  hun- 


THE    ROMAN    CONSTITUTION.  89 

dred  infantry;  but  now  they  do  it  before  them,  the 
selection  having  been  made  by  the  censor  on  the  basis 
of  wealth;  and  they  enroll  three  hundred  for  each 
legion.     (VI,  20.) 

QUESTIONS. 
1.  Give  the  probable  reasons  for  the  different  steps 
taken    in   enrolling   men.     2.  What   difference   existed 
between  the  manner  of  choosing  men  for  the  infantry 
and  for  the  cavalry? 

TAKING  THE   OATH. 

The  roll  having  been  completed  in  (h's  manner,  the 
Tribunes  belonging  to  the  several  legions  muster  their 
men;  and  selecting  one  of  the  whole  body  that  they 
think  most  suitable  for  the  purpose,  they  cause  him  to 
take  an  oath  that  he  will  obey  his  oflScers  and  do  their 
orders  to  the  best  of  his  ability.  And  all  the  others 
come  up  and  take  the  oath  separately,  merely  affirming 
that  they  will  do  the  same  as  the  first  man. 

At  the  same  time  the  Consuls  send  orders  to  the  mag- 
istrates of  the  allied  cities  in  Italy,  from  which  they 
determine  that  allied  troops  are  to  serve:  declaring 
the  number  required,  and  the  day  and  place  at  which 
the  men  selected  must  appear.  The  cities  then  enroll 
their  troops  with  much  the  same  ceremonies  as  to 
selection  and  administration  of  the  oath,  and  appoint 
a  commander  and  a  paymaster. 

FOURFOLD    DIVISION    OF    THE    LEGIONARIES. 

The  military  Tribunes  at  Rome,  af  er  the  adminis- 
tering of  the  oath  to  their  men,  and  giving  out  the  day 
and  place  at  which  they  are  to  appear  without  arms, 
for  the  present  dismiss  them.  When  they  arrive  on 
the  appointed  day,  they  first  select  the  youngest  and 
poorest  to  form  the  Velites,  the  next  to  them  the 
Hastati,  while  those  who  are  in  the  prime  of  life  they 
select  as  Principes,  and  the  oldest  of  all  the  Triarii. 
For  in  the  Roman  army  these  divisions,  distinct  not 
only  as  to  their  ages  and  nomenclature,  but  also  as  to 
the  manner  in  which  they  are  armed,  exist  in  each 
legion.  The  division  is  made  in  such  proportions  that 
the  senior  men,  cal'ed  Triarii,  should  number  six  hun- 
dred, the  Principes  twelve  hundred,  the  Hastati  twelve 
hundred,  and  that  all  the  rest  as  the  youngest  should 
be   reckoned   among   the   Velites.    And   if   the   whole 


90  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

number  of  the  legion  is  more  than  four  thousand,  they 
vary  the  numbers  of  these  divisions  proportionally, 
except  those  of  the  Triarii,  which  is  always  the  same. 
(VI,  2i.) 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  Why  was  not  the  oath  administered  in  the  same 
way  to  all  the  men?  2.  What  relations  existed  be- 
tween the  Consuls  and  the  allied  troops?  3.  What  was 
the  probable  object  in  dividing  the  Roman  soldiers 
into  Velites,  Hastati,  Principss,  and  Triarii? 

ELECTION    OF    CENTURIONS. 

The  Principes,  Hastati,  and  Triarii,  each  elect  ten 
centurions  according  to  merit,  and  then  a  second  ten 
each.  All  these  sixty  have  the  title  of  centurion  alike, 
of  whom  the  first  man  chosen  is  a  member  of  the 
council  of  war.  And  they  in  their  turn  select  a  rear- 
rank  officer  who  is  called  optio.  Next  in  conjunction 
with  the  centurions  they  divide  the  several  orders 
(omitting  the  Velites)  into  ten  companies  each,  and 
appoint  to  each  company  two  centurions  and  two  op- 
tiones;  the  Velites  are  divided  equally  among  all  the 
companies;  these  companies  are  called  orders  (ordines) 
or  maniples  (manipuli),  or  vexilla,  and  their  officers 
are  called  centurions  or  ordinum  ductores.  Each 
maniple  selects  two  of  their  strongest  and  best  born 
men  as  standard  bearers  (vexillarii).  And  that  each 
maniple  should  have  two  commanding  officers  is  only 
reasonable;  for  it  being  impossible  to  know  what  a 
commander  may  be  doing  or  what  may  happen  to  him, 
and  necessities  of  war  admitting  of  no  parleying,  they 
are  anxious  that  the  maniple  may  never  be  without 
a  leader  and  commander.  When  the  two  centurions 
are  both  on  the  field,  the  first  elected  commands  the 
right  of  the  rnaniple,  the  second  the  left:  if  both  are  not 
there,  the  one  who  is  commands  the  whole.  And  they 
wish  the  centurions  not  to  te  so  much  bold  and  adven- 
turous, as  men  with  a  faculty  for  command,  steady, 
and  of  a  profound  rather  than  of  a  showy  spirit;  not 
prone  to  engage  wantonly  or  be  unnecessarily  forward 
in  giving  battle;  but  such  as  in  the  face  of  superior 
numbers  and  overwhelming  pressure  will  die  in  de- 
fense of  their  post.     (VI,  24.) 

QUESTIONS. 
\     Make  a  diagram  showing  the  men  and  officers  com- 
)  posing  a  legion,  giving  the  name  of  each. 


THE    ROMAN    CONSTITUTION.  91 

OFFICERS  AND  ARMS  OP  THE  EQUITES. 
Similarly  they  divide  the  cavalry  into  ten  sauadrons 
(turmae),  and  from  each  they  select  three  officers 
(decuriones),  who  each  select  a  subaltern  (optio). 
The  decurio  first  elected  commands  the  squadron,  (he 
other  two  have  the  rank  of  decuriones:  a  name,  indeed, 
which  applies  to  all  alike.  If  the  first  decurio  is  not 
on  the  field,  the  second  takes  command  of  the  squadron. 
The  armor  of  the  cavalry  is  very  like  that  in  Greece. 
In  old  times  they  did  not  wear  the  lorica,  but  fought 
in  their  tunics  (campestria) ;  the  result  of  which  was 
that  they  were  prompt  and  nimble  at  dismcunJing  and 
mounting  again  with  dispatch,  but  were  in  great  danger 
at  close  quarters  from  the  unprotected  state  of  their 
bodies.  And  their  lances,  too,  were  useless  in  two 
ways:  first,  because  they  were  thin  and  prevented  their 
taking  a  good  aim;  and  before  they  could  get  the  head 
fixed  in  the  enemy  the  lances  were  so  shaken  by  the 
mere  motion  of  the  horse  that  they  generally  broke. 
Secondly,  because  having  no  spike  at  the  butt  end  of 
their  lance,  they  only  had  one  stroke,  namely,  that 
with  the  spear  head;  and  if  the  lance  broke,  what  was 
left  in  their  hands  was  entirely  useless.  Again,  they 
used  to  have  shields  of  bull's  hide,  just  like  those 
round  cakes,  with  a  knob  in  the  middle,  which  are  used 
at  sacrifices,  which  were  useless  at  close  quarters  be- 
cause they  were  flexible  rather  than  firm;  and  when 
their  leather  shrunk  and  rotted  from  the  rain,  un- 
serviceable as  they  were  before,  they  then  became 
entirely  so.  Wherefore,  as  experience  showed  them 
the  uselessuess  of  these,  they  lost  no  time  in  changing 
to  the  Greek  fashion  of  arms:  the  advantages  of  which 
were,  first,  that  men  were  able  to  deliver  the  first 
stroke  of  their  lance-head  with  a  good  aim  and  effect, 
aiid  because  the  shaft  from  the  nature  of  its  ccn  truc- 
tion  was  steady  and  not  quivering;  and  secondly,  they 
were  able  by  reversing  the  lance,  to  use  the  spike  at 
the  butt  end  for  a  steady  and  effective  blow.  And  the 
same  may  be  said  about  the  Greek  shields:  f  jr  whether 
used  to  ward  off  a  blow  or  to  thiust  against  the  enemy, 
they  neither  give  nor  bend.  When  the  Romans  learnt 
these  facts  about  the  Greek  arms  they  were  not  long 
in  copying  them;  for  no  nation  has  ever  surpassed 
them  in  readiness  to  adopt  new  fashions  from  other 


92  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

people,  and  to  imitate  what  they  see  is  better  in  others 
than  themselves.     (VI,  25.) 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  What  one  great  cause  of  Roman  success  is  indi- 
cated by  Polybius  in  this  extract?  2.  Draw  a  diagram 
of  a  squadron  of  cavalry.  3.  What  changes  had  been 
made  in  the  equipment  of  the  cavalry  in  Polybius'  day 
and  why? 

ASSEMBLY    OF    LEGIONS — THE    SOCII    (ALLIES). 

Having  made  this  distribution  of  their  men  and 
given  orders  for  their  being  armed,  as  I  have  de- 
scribed, the  military  tribunes  dismiss  them  to  their 
homes.  But  when  the  day  has  arrived  on  which  they 
were  all  bound  by  their  oath  to  appear  at  the  place 
named  by  the  Consuls  (for  each  Consul  generally  ap- 
points a  separate  place  for  his  own  legions,  each  hav- 
ing assigned  to  him  two  legions  and  a  moiety  of  the 
allies),  all  whose  names  appear  on  the  roll  appear 
without  fail:  no  excuse  being  accepted  in  case  of  those 
who  have  accepted  the  oath,  except  a  prohibitory  omen 
of  absolute  impossibility.  The  allies  muster  along 
with  the  citizens,  and  are  distributed  and  managed  by 
the  officers  appointed  by  the  Consuls,  who  have  the 
title  of  Praefecti  sociis  and  are  twelve  in  number. 
These  officers  select  for  the  Consuls  from  the  whole 
infantry  and  cavalry  of  the  allies  such  as  are  most 
fitted  for  actual  service,  and  these  are  called  extraor- 
dinarii The  whole  number  of  the  in- 
fantry of  the  socii  generally  equals  that  of  the  legions, 
but  the  cavalry  is  treble  that  of  the  citizens.  Of  these 
they  select  a  third  of  the  cavalry  and  a  fifth  of  the 
infantry  to  serve  as  extraordinarii.  The  rest  they 
divide  into  two  parts,  one  of  which  is  called  the  right, 
the  other  the  left  wing  (alae).     (VI,  26.) 

QUESTIONS. 

Make  a  table  showing  the  officers  of  the  Roman  army 
in  order  of  ranl\,  how  they  secure  office,  and  condi- 
tions (when  given).  Enumerate  all  the  different 
bodies  of  troops  with  their  subdivisions  and  the  num- 
ber of  men  in  each. 


ROMAN  LIFE  OF  THE  FIRST 
PUNIC  WAR. 


(■..3) 


CHAPTER  VIL 


ROMAN  LIFE  OF  THE  FIRST  PUNIC  WAR. 

The  Histories  of  Polybius.  Translated  from 
tlie  text  of  F.  ^Hultsch  by  Evelyn  S. 
Schuckburgli,  M.  A.     2  vols.     New  York, 

1889. 

c^,  N  the  preceding'  chapter,  extracts  were 
'^  given  from  Polybius  upon  the  Roman  con- 
stitution  at  the  time  of  its  greatest  effect- 
iveness. In  this  chapter,  it  is  ni}^  purpose  to 
show,  by  extracts  from  the  same  writer,  what 
the  character  of  the  Roman  people  was,  and 
how  the  constitution  stood  the  test  of  a  great 
foreign  war  in  which  Rome  was  matched 
against  a  foeman  worthy  of  her  steel.  Polyb- 
ius says  of  this  period  that  the  Roman  "insti- 
tutions were  as  yet  in  their  original  integrity," 
and  if  one  would  obtain  "a  fair  view  of  the 
national  characteristics,''  one  should  examine 
them  at  this  time. 

It  is  my  intention,  in  the  following  chapters 
of  the  Studies,  to  treat  of  life  under  the  decay- 
ing republic,  as  shown  by  Sallust,  Cicero,  and 
others;  to  draw  a  picture  of  life  under  the  em- 
pire from  the  letters  of  Pliny,  and  to  conclude 
with  extracts  from  the  institutes  of  Justinian, 
illustrative  of  Roman  law,  that  most  typical 
product  of  Roman  civilization.  In  the  fifth 
and  sixth  chapters  of  the  Studies,  something 
has  been  said  about  the  life  of  Polybius,  and 
the  value  of  the  evidence  that  he  offers  us.  It 
remains  to  add  a  word  upon  the  value  of  the 
extracts  employed  in  this  study. 
Polybius  was  not  a  contemporary  of  the  First 
(94) 


ROMAN    LIFE    OF    FIRST    PL'NIC    WAR.  95 

Punic  War,  but  he  was  able  to  converse  with 
the  sons  of  the  men  who  fought  in  the  war  and 
might  even  have  spoken  with  some  of  the  sur- 
vivors of  that  generation.  We  l^now  that  he 
had  before  him  contemporary  accounts  of  the 
war  written  by  Romans  and  Carthaginians. 
He  refers  to  the  worlv  of  the  Carthaginian  Phili- 
nus  and  the  Roman  Fabius,  'Vho  bore  the  repu- 
tation of  writing  with  the  most  complete  knowl- 
edge about  it  (the  war)"  but  adds  that  they  have 
"given  us  an  inadequate  representation  of  the 
truth."  (I,  14.)  He  certainly  had  other  sources 
of  information,  for  when  these  two  writers  make 
statements  that  "nothing  can  reconcile,"  he  is 
able  to  control  them. 

THE    BEGINNING    OF    THE    WAR. 

Thus  were  the  Mamertines  first  deprived  of  support 
from  Rhegium,  and  then  subjected,  from  causes  which 
I  have  just  stated,  to  a  complete  defeat  on  their  own  ac- 
count. Thereupon  some  of  them  betooli  themselves  to 
the  protection  of  the  Carthaginians,  and  were  for  put- 
ting themselves  and  their  citadel  into  their  hands; 
while  others  set  about  sending  an  embassy  to  Rome  to 
offer  a  surrender  of  their  city  and  to  beg  assistance  on 
the  ground  of  the  ties  of  race  which  united  them.  The 
Romans  were  long  in  doubt.  The  inconsistency  of 
sending  such  aid  seemed  manifest.  A  little  while  ago 
they  had  put  some  of  their  own  citizens  to  death,  with 
the  extreme  penalties  of  the  law,  for  having  broken 
faith  with  the  people  of  Rhegium;  and  now  so  soon 
afterwards  to  assist  the  Mamertines,  who  had  done 
precisely  the  same  to  Messene  as  well  as  Rhegium, 
involved  a  breach  of  equity  very  hard  to  justify.  But 
while  fully  alive  to  these  points,  they  yet  saw  that 
Carthaginian  aggrandiseflaent  was  not  confined  to 
Lybia,  but  had  embraced  many  districts  in  Iberia  as 
well;  and  that  Carthage  was,  besides,  mistress  of  all 
the  islands  in  the  Sardinian  and  Tyrrhenian  seas;  they 
were  beginning,  therefore,  to  be  exceedingly  anxious 
lest,  if  the  Carthaginians  became  masters  of  Sicily  also, 
they  should  find  them  very  dangerous  and  formidable 
neighbors,  surrounding  them  as  they  would  on  every 


96  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

side,  and  occupying  a  position  which  commanded  all 
the  coasts  of  Italy.  Now  it  was  clear  that,  if  the 
Mamertines  did  not  obtain  the  assistance  they  asked 
for,  the  Carthaginians  would  very  soon  reduce  Sicily. 
For  should  they  avail  themselves  of  the  voluntary  offer 
of  Messene  and  become  masters  of  it,  they  were  certain 
before  long  to  crush  Syracuse  also,  since  they  were 
already  lords  of  nearly  the  whole  of  the  rest  of  Sicily. 
The  Romans  saw  all  this,  and  felt  that  it  was  absolutely 
necessary  not  to  let  Messene  slip,  or  allow  the  Cartha- 
ginians to  secure  what  would  be  like  a  bridge  to  en- 
able them  to  cross  into  Italy.     (I,  10.) 

In  spite  of  protracted  deliberations,  the  conflict  of 
motives  proved  too  strong,  after  all,  to  allow  of  the 
Senate  coming  to  any  decision;  for  the  inconsistency 
of  aiding  the  Messenians  appeared  to  them  to  be  evenly 
balanced  by  the  advantages  to  be  gained  by  doing  so. 
The  people,  however,  had  suffered  much  from  the  pre- 
vious wars,  and  wanted  some  means  of  repairing  the 
losses  which  they  had  sustained  in  every  department. 
Besides  these  national  advantages  to  be  gained  by  the 
war,  the  military  commanders  suggested  that  individu- 
ally they  would  get  manifest  and  important  benefits 
from  it.  They  accordingly  voted  in  favor  of  giving  aid. 
.  .  .  The  Roman  Consul,  Appiua,  for  his  nart,  gal- 
lantly crossed  the  strait  by  night  and  got  into  Messene. 
But  he  found  that  the  enemy  had  completely  sur- 
rounded the  town  and  were  vigorously  pressing  on  the 
attack;  and  he  concluded  on  reflection  that  the  seige 
could  bring  him  neither  credit  nor  security  so  long  as 
the  enemy  commanded  land  as  well  as  sea.  He  ac- 
cordingly first  endeavored  to  relieve  the  Mamertines 
from  the  contest  altogether  by  sending  embassies  to 
both  of  the  attacking  forces.  Neither  of  them  received 
the  proposals,  and  at  last,  from  sheer  necessity,  he 
made  up  his  mind  to  hazard  an  engagement,  and  that 
he  would  begin  with  the  Syracusans.  So  he  led  out  his 
forces  and  drew  them  up  far  the  fight;  nor  was  the 
Syracusan  backward  in  accepting  the  challenge,  but 
descended  simultaneously  to  give  him  battle.  After  a 
prolonged  struggle,  Appius  got  the  better  of  the  enemy 
and  chased  the  opposing  forces  right  up  to  their  en- 
trenchments. The  result  of  this  was  that  Appius,  after 
stripping  the  dead,  retired  into  Messene  again,  while 
Hiero,  with  a  foreboding  of  the  final  result,  only  waited 


ROMAN    LIFE    OF    FIRST    PUNIC    WAR.  97 

for    night-fall    to   beat   a   hasty   retreat   to    Syracuse. 
(I,  11.) 

Next  morning,  when  Appius  was  assured  of  their 
flight,  his  confidence  was  strengthened,  and  he  made 
up  his  mind  to  attack  the  Carthaginians  without  delay. 
Accordingly  he  issued  orders  to  the  soldiers  to  dispatch 
their  preparations  early,  and  at  daybreak  commenced 
his  sally.  Having  succeeded  in  engaging  the  enemy, 
he  killed  a  large  number  of  them,  and  forced  the  rest 
to  fly  precipitately  to  the  neighboring  towns.  These 
successes  sufficed  to  raise  the  seige  of  Messene;  and 
thenceforth  he  scoured  the  territory  of  the  Syracusans 
and  their  allies  with  impunity  and  laid  it  waste  without 
finding  anyone  to  dispute  the  possession  of  the  open 
country  with  him;  and  finally  he  sat  down  before  Syra- 
cuse itself  and  laid  seige  to  it.     (I,  12.) 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  Did  the  Romans  attach  much  importance  to  good 
faith  in  dealing  with  other  states?  2.  What  do  you 
think  of  their  reasons  for  action  in  this  case?  3. 
Enumerate  the  lower  motives  that  caused  them  to  act. 
4.  Enumerate  all  th»  excellent  traits  of  character 
brought  out  in  this  first  struggle  and  indicate  the  value 
of  each. 

SIEGE    OF    AGRIGENTUM. 

I  shall,  however,  endeavor  to  describe  with  somewhat 
more  care  the  first  war  which  arose  between  the  Ro- 
mans and  the  Carthaginians  for  the  possession  of 
Sicily.  For  it  would  not  be  easy  to  mention  any  war 
that  lasted  longer  than  this  one;  nor  one  in  which  the 
preparations  made  were  on  a  larger  scale,  or  the  ef- 
forts made  more  sustained,  or  the  actual  engagements 
more  numerous,  or  the  reverses  sustained  on  either 
side  more  signal.  Moreover,  the  two  states  them- 
selves were  at  the  precise  period  of  their  history  when 
their  institutions  were  as  yet  in  their  original  integrity, 
their  fortunes  still  at  a  moderate  level,  and  their  forces 
on  an  equal  footing,  so  that  those  who  wish  to  gain  a 
fair  view  of  the  national  characteristics  and  resources 
of  the  two  had  better  base  their  comparison  upon  this 
war  rather  than  upon  those  which  came  after.     (I,  13.) 

On  the  Roman  side  a  change  of  commanders  had  now 
taken  place.  The  consuls  who  made  the  treaty  with 
Hiero   had   gone   home,   and  their  successops,   Lucius 


98  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

Postumius  and  Quintus  Mamilius,  were  come  to 
Sicily  with  their  legions.  Observing  the  measures 
which  the  Carthaginians  were  taking,  and  the  forces 
they  were  concentrating  at  Agrigentum,  they  made  up 
their  minds  to  take  that  matter  in  hand  and  strike  a 
bold  blow.  Accordingly  they  suspended  every  other  de- 
partment of  the  war,  and  bearing  down  upon  Agri- 
gentum with  their  whole  army  attacked  it  in  force; 
pitched  their  camp  within  a  distance  of  eight  stades 
from  the  city;  and  confined  the  Carthaginians  within 
the  walls.  Now  it  was  just  harvest  time,  and  the  siege 
was  evidently  destined  to  be  a  long  one;  the  sold.ers, 
therefore,  went  out  to  collect  the  corn  with  greater 
hardihood  than  they  ought  to  have  done.  Accordingly 
the  Carthaginians,  seeing  the  enemy  scattered  about 
the  fields,  sallied  out  and  attacked  the  harvesting  party. 
They  easily  routed  these;  and  then  one  portion  of  them 
made  a  rush  to  destroy  the  Roman  intrenchment,  the 
other  to  attack  the  pickets.  But  the  peculiarity  of 
their  institutions  saved  the  Roman  fortunes,  as  it 
had  often  done  before.  Among  them  it  is  death  for  a 
man  to  desert  his  post,  or  to  fly  ft-om  his  station  on  any 
pretext  whatever.  Accordingly  on  this,  as  on  other  oc- 
casions, they  gallantly  held  their  ground  against  oppo- 
nents many  times  thoir  own  number;  and  though  they 
lost  many  of  their  own  men,  they  killed  still  more  of 
the  enemy  and  at  last  outfl.anked  the  foes  just  as  they 
were  on  the  point  of  demolishing  the  palisade  of  the 
camp.  Some  they  put  to  the  sword,  and  the  rest  they 
pursued  with  slaughter  into  the  city.     (I,  17.) 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  What  should  you  infer,  from  the  first  paragraph, 
as  to  comparative  strength  of  Rome  and  Carthage? 
Why?  2.  What  bad  practice  of  the  Romans,  from  a 
military  point  of  view,  is  mentioned  in  the  second 
paragraph?  3.  What  do  you  think  of  the  Roman  plan 
of  concentrating  on  Agrigentum?  4.  What  defects  did 
the  Romans  show  at  this  time?  5.  What  good  quali- 
ties? 6.  What  proof  of  Roman  organization  and  dis- 
cipline do  you  find? 

THE   CREATION    OF    A    NAVY. 

Great  was  the  joy  of  the  Roman  Senate  when  the 
news  of  what  had  taken  place  at  Agrigentum  arrived, 
their  ideas,  too,  were  so  raised  that  they  no  longer  con- 
fined themselves  to  their  original  designs.     They  were 


ROMAN    LIFE    OF    FIRST    PUNIC    WAR.  99 

not  content  with  having  saved  the  Mamertines,  nor 
with  the  advantages  gained  in  the  course  of  the  war; 
but  conceived  the  idea  that  it  was  possible  to  expel  the 
Carthaginians  entirely  from  the  island,  and  that  if 
that  were  done  their  own  power  would  receive  a  great 
increase;  they  accordingly  engaged  in  this  policy  and 
directed  their  whole  thought  to  this  subject.  .  .  . 
Yet  so  long  as  the  Carthaginians  were  in  undisturbed 
command  of  the  sea,  the  balance  of  success  could  not 
incline  decisively  in  their  favor.  .  .  .  They  became 
eager  to  get  upon  the  sea  and  meet  the  Carthaginians 
there. 

It  was  this  branch  of  the  subject  that  more  than 
anything  else  induced  me  to  give  an  account  of  this 
war  at  somewhat  greater  length  than  I  otherwise 
should  have  done.  I  was  unwilling  that  a  first  step  of 
this  kind  should  be  unknown, — namely,  how,  and  when, 
and  why  the  Romans  first  started  a  navy.- 

It  was,  then,  because  they  saw  that  the  war  they  had 
undertaken  lingered  to  a  weary  length,  that  they  first 
thought  of  getting  a  fleet  built,  consisting  of  a  hundred 
quinqueremes  and  twenty  triremes.  But  one  part  of 
their  undertaking  caused  them  much  difficulty.  Their 
ship  builders  were  entirely  unacquainted  with  the  con- 
struction of  quinqueremes,  because  no  one  in  Italy 
had  at  that  time  employed  vessels  of  that  description. 
There  could  be  no  more  signal  proof  of  the  courage,  or 
rather  the  extraordinary  audacity  of  the  Roman  enter- 
prise. Not  only  had  they  no  resources  for  it  of  rea- 
sonable sufficiency;  but  without  any  resources  for  it  at 
all,  and  without  having  ever  entertained  an  idea  of 
naval  war, — for  it  was  the  first  time  they  had  thought 
of  it, — they  nevertheless  handled  the  enterprise  with 
such  extraordinary  audacity  that,  without  so  much  as 
a  preliminary  trial,  they  took  upon  themselves  there 
and  then  to  meet  the  Carthaginians  at  sea,  on  which 
they  had  for  generations  held  undisputed  supremacy. 
Proof  of  what  I  say,  and  of  their  surprising  audacity 
may  be  found  in  this:  When  they  first  took  in  hand  to 
send  troops  across  to  Messene,  they  not  only  had  no 
decked  vessels,  but  no  war  ships  at  all,  not  so  much  as 
a  single  galley;  but  they  borrowed  quinqueremes  and 
triremes  from  Tarentum  and  Locri,  and  even  from 
Elea  and  Neapolis;  and  having  thus  collected  a  fieet 
boldly  sent  their  men  across  upon  it.    It  was  on  this 


100  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

occasion  that,  the  Carthaginians  having  put  to  sea  in 
the  strait  to  attack  them,  a  decked  vessel  of  theirs 
charged  so  furiously  that  it  ran  aground,  and  falling 
into  the  hands  of  the  Romans  served  them  as  a  model 
on  which  they  constructed  their  whole  fleet.  And  if 
this  had  not  happened,  it  is  clear  that  they  would  have 
been  completely  hindered  from  carrying  out  their  de- 
signs by  want  of  constructive  knowledge.     (1,20.) 

Meanwhile,  however,  those  who  were  charged  with 
the  shipbuilding  were  busy  with  the  construction  of 
the  vessels;  while  others  collected  crews  and  were  en- 
gaged in  teaching  them  to  row  on  dry  land;  which  they 
contrived  to  do  in  the  following  manner.  They  made 
men  sit  on  rowers'  benches  on  dry  land,  in  the  same 
order  as  they  would  sit  on  the  benches  in  actual  ves- 
sels. In  the  midst  of  them  they  stationed  the  celeustes 
and  trained  them  to  get  back  and  draw  in  their  hands 
altogether  in  time,  and  then  to  swing  forward  and 
throw  them  out  again,  and  to  begin  and  cease  these 
movements  at  the  word  of  the  celeustes.  By  the  time 
these  preparations  were  completed  the  ships  were  built. 
They  therefore  launched  them,  and,  after  a  brief  pre- 
liminary practice  of  real  sea  rowing,  started  on  their 
coasting  voyage  along  the  shore  of  Italy  in  accordance 
with  the  Consul's  order.     (I,  21.) 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  What  was  the  danger  in  the  new  designs  of  the 
Romans?  2.  Why  should  Polybius  consider  the  build- 
ing of  a  navy  such  an  important  matter.  3.  Enumerate 
all  the  admirable  characteristics  brought  out  in  the 
above  passage. 

ROMAN    INGENUITY. 

When  the  Romans  had  neared  the  coast  of  Sicily  and 
had  learnt  (he  disaster  which  had  b  fa  len  Gnaeus,  their 
first  step  was  to  send  for  Gains  Duilius,  who  was  in 
command  of  the  land  forces.  Until  he  should  come 
they  stayed  where  they  were;  but  at  the  same  time, 
hearing  that  the  enemy's  fleet  was  no  great  way  off, 
they  busied  themselves  in  preparation  for  a  sea-fight. 
Now  the  ships  were  badly  fitted  out  and  not  easy  to 
manage,  and  so  some  one  suggested  to  them  as  likely  to 
serve  their  turn  in  the  fight  the  construction  of  what 
were  afterwards  called  "crows."  Their  mechanism 
was  this.    A  round  pole  was  placed  in  the  prow  about 


ROMAN    LIFE    OF    FIRST    PUNIC    WAR.  101 

twenty-four  feet  high,  and  with  a  diameter  of  four 
palms.  The  pole  itself  had  a  pulley  on  the  top  and  a 
gangway  made  with  cross  planks  nailed  together,  four 
feet  wide  and  thirty-six  feet  long,  was  made  to  swing 
round  it.  Now  the  hole  in  the  gangway  was  oval  shape, 
and  went  round  the  pole  twelve  feet  from  one  end  of 
the  gangway,  which  had  also  a  wooden  railing  running 
down  each  side  of  it  to  the  height  of  a  man's  knee. 
At  the  extremity  of  this  gangway  was  fastened  an  iron 
spike  like  a  miller's  pestle,  sharpened  at  its  lower  end, 
and  fitted  with  a  ring  at  its  upper  end.  The  whole 
thing  looked  like  the  machines  for  braising  corn.  To 
this  ring  the  rope  was  fastened  with  which,  when  the 
ships  collided,  they  hauled  up  the  "crows"  by  means 
of  the  pulley  at  the  top  of  the  pole,  and  dropped  them 
down  upon  the  deck  of  the  enemy's  ship,  sometimes 
over  the  prow,  sometimes  swinging  them  round  when 
the  ships  collided  broadsides.  And  as  soon  as  the 
"crows"  were  fixed  in  the  planks  of  the  decks  and 
grappled  the  ships  together,  if  the  ships  were  along 
side  of  each  other,  the  men  leaped  on  board  anywhere 
along  the  side,  but  if  they  were  prow  to  prow,  they 
used  the  "crow"  itself  for  boarding,  and  advanced  over 
it  two  abreast.  The  first  two  protected  their  front  by 
holding  up  before  them  their  shields,  while  those  who 
came  after  them  secured  their  sides  by  placing  the 
rims  of  their  shields  upon  the  top  of  the  rails.  Such 
were  the  preparations  which  they  made;  and  having 
completed  them  they  watched  an  opportunity  of  engag- 
ing at  sea.     (I,  22.) 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  Why  did  the  Romans  wish  to  grapple  with  the 
Carthaginians?  2.  What  effect  did  the  use  of  "crows" 
have  upon  a  naval  battle? 

THE    INVASION    OF    AFRICA. 

Now  it  was  the  purpose  of  the  Romans  to  sail  across 
to  Lybia  and  transfer  the  war  there,  in  order  that  the 
Carthaginians  might  find  the  danger  affecting  them- 
selves and  their  own  country  rather  than  Sicily.  But 
the  Carthaginians  were  determined  to  prevent  this. 
They  knew  that  Lybia  was  easily  invaded,  and  that  the 
invaders,  if  they  once  effected  a  landing,  would  meet 
with  little  resistance  from  the  inhabitants;  and  they 
therefore  made  up  their  minds  not  to  allow  it,  and 


102  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

were  eager  rather  to  bring  the  matter  to  a  decisive 
issue  by  a  battle  at  sea.  The  one  side  was  determined 
to  cross,  the  other  to  prevent  their  crossing;  and  their 
enthusiastic  rivalry  gave  promise  of  a  desperate  strug- 
gle. The  preparations  of  the  Romans  were  made  to 
suit  either  contingency,  an  engagement  at  sea  or  a  dis- 
embarkation on  the  enemy's  soil.  Accordingly  they 
picked  out  the  best  hands  from  the  land  army  and 
divided  the  whole  force  which  they  meant  to  take  on 
board  into  four  divisions.  (I,  26.) 
QUESTIONS. 

1.  What  do  you  think  of  the  Romans'  plan  of  invad- 
ing Africa?  2.  Was  it  in  keeping  with  their  character? 
3.  What  Roman  characteristic  is  brought  out  in  the 
account  of  the  preparations? 

SIEGE    OF    ASPIS. 

After  the  battle  the  Romans  took  in  a  fresh  supply 
of  victuals,  repaired  and  refitted  the  ships  they  had 
captured,  bestowed  upon  the  crews  the  attention 
which  they  had  deserved  by  their  victory,  and  then 
put  to  sea  with  a  view  of  continuing  their  voyage  to 
Lybia.  The  leading  ships  made  the  shore  just  under 
the  headland  called  the  Hermaeum,  which  is  the  ex- 
treme point  on  the  east  of  the  Gulf  of  Carthage  and 
runs  out  into  the  open  sea  in  the  direction  of  Sicily. 
There  they  waited  for  the  rest  of  the  ships  to  come 
up,  and  having  got  the  entire  fleet  together,  coasted 
along  until  they  came  to  the  city  called  Aspis.  Here 
they  disembarked,  beached  their  ships,  dug  a  trench, 
and  consti'ucted  a  stockade  around  them;  and  on  the 
inhabitants  of  the  city  refusing  to  submit  without 
compulsion,  they  set  to  work  to  besiege  the  town. 
Presently  those  of  the  Carthaginians  who  had  sur- 
vived the  sea  fight  came  to  land  also;  and  feeling  sure 
that  the  enemy,  in  the  fiush  of  their  victory,  intended 
to  sail  straight  against  Carthage  itself,  they  began  by 
keeping  a  chain  of  advanced  guards  at  outlying 
points  to  protect  the  capital  with  their  military  and 
naval  forces.  But  when  they  ascertained  that  the 
Romans  had  disembarked  without  resistance  and  were 
engaged  in  besieging  Aspis,  they  gave  up  the  idea  of 
watching  for  the  descent  of  the  fleet,  but  concentrated 
their  forces  and  devoted  themselves  to  the  protection 
of  the  capital  and  its  environs.     (I,  29.) 


ROMAN    LIFE    OF    FIRST    PUNIC    WAR.         103 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  What  action  performed  by  the  Romans  after 
landing  illustrates  one  side  of  their  character?  2. 
Why  would  it  not  have  been  wiser  to  attack  Carthage 
at  once? 

REGULUS    DICTATES    TO    THE    CARTHAGINIANS. 

But  Regulus  had  different  Views.  The  double  de- 
feat sustained  by  the  Carthaginians,  by  land  as  well 
as  by  sea,  convinced  him  that  the  capture  of  Carthage 
was  a  question  of  a  very  short  time,  and  he  was  in  a 
state  of  great  anxiety  lest  his  successor  in  the  con- 
sulship should/,,  arrive  fi'om  Rome  in  time  to  rob  him 
of  the  glory  of  the  achievement.  He  therefore  invited 
the  Carthaginians  to  make  tenns.  They  were  only 
too  glad  of  the  proposal,  and  sent  their  leading  citi- 
zens to  meet  him.  The  meeting  took  place,  but  the 
commissioners  could  not  bring  their  minds  to  enter- 
tain his  proposals;  they  were  so  severe  that  it  was  al- 
most more  than  they  could  bear  to  listen  to  them  at  all. 
Regulus  regarded  himself  as  practically  master  of  the 
city,  and  considered  that  they  ought  to  regard  any 
concession  on  his  part  as  a  matter  of  favor  and  pure 
grace.  The  Carthaginians,  on  the  other  hand,  con- 
cluded that  nothing  worse  could  be  imposed  on  them 
if  they  suffered  capture  than  was  now  enjoined. 
They  therefore  returned  home  without  accepting  the 
offers  of  Regulus,  and  extremely  exasperated  by  his 
unreasonable  harshness.     (I,  31.) 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  what  unwise  provision  in  the  constitution  is 
mentioned  here?  2.  Why  was  it  unwise?  3.  What 
defects  in  Regulus'  character?  4.  Have  you  met  them 
before  in  these  extracts?  5.  Are  they  characteristic 
Roman  traits? 

SOME  TRAITS   OF   ROMAN  CHARACTER. 

The  passage  was  effected  in  safety,  and  the  coast  of 
Camerena  was  reached;  but  there  they  experienced  so 
terrible  a  storm  and  suffered  so  dreadfully  as  almost 
to  beggar  description.  The  disaster  was  indeed  ex- 
treme; for  out  of  their  .three  hundred  and  sixty-four 
vessels  eighty  only  remained.  The  rest  were  either 
Bwamped  or  driven  by  the  surf  upon  the  rocks  and 
headland,  where  they  went  to  pieces  and  filled  all  the 


104  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

seaboard  with  corpses  and  wreckage.  No  greater 
catastrophe  is  to  be  found  in  all  history  as  befalling  a 
fleet  at  one  time.  And  for  this  fortune  was  not  so 
much  to  blame  as  the  commanders  themselves.  They 
had  been  warned  again  and  again  by  the  pilots  not 
to  steer  along  the  southern  coast  of  Sicily  facing  the 
Lybian  sea,  because  it  was  exposed  and  yielded  no  safe 
anchorage.  .  .  .  Yet  they  attended  to  none  of  these 
warnings,  but  intoxicated  by  their  recent  success,  were 
anxious  to  capture  certain  cities  as  they  coasted  along, 
and  in  pursuance  of  this  idea  thoughtlessly  exposed 
themselves  to  the  full  fury  of  the  open  sea.  As  far  as 
these  particular  men  were  concerned,  the  disaster 
which  they  brought  upon  themselves'  in  pursuit  of 
trivial  advantages  convinced  them  of  the  folly  of  their 
conduct.  But  it  is  a  peculiarity  of  the  Roman  people 
as  a  whole  to  treat  everything  as  a  question  of  main- 
strength;  to  consider  that  they  must,  of  course,  accom- 
plish whatever  they  have  proposed  to  themselves,  and 
that  nothing  is  impossible  that  they  have  once  deter- 
mined upon.  The  result  of  such  self-confidence  is  that 
in  many  things  they  do  succeed,  while  in  some  few, 
they  conspicuously  fail,  and  especially  at  sea.  Oa 
land  it  is  against  men  only  and  their  works  that  they 
have  to  direct  their  efforts,  and  as  the  forces  against 
which  they  exert  their  strength  do  not  differ  intrin- 
sically from  their  own,  as  a  general  rule  they  succeed; 
while  their  failures  are  exceptionally  rare.  But  to 
contend  with  the  sea  and  sky  is  to  fight  against  a  force 
immeasurably  superior  to  their  own;  and  when  they 
trust  to  an  exertion  of  sheer  strength  in  such  a  contest 
the  disasters  which  they  meet  with  are  signal.  This 
is  what  they  experienced  on  the  present  occasion;  they 
have  often  experienced  it  since,  and  will  continue  to 
do  so  as  long  as  they  maintain  their  headstrong  and 
foolhardy  notions  that  any  season  of  the  year  admits 
of  sailing  as  well  as  marching.     (I,  37.) 

The  Roman  government,  when  they  heard  of  this 
from  the  survivors  of  the  wreck  on  their  arrival  home, 
felt  it  to  be  a  grievous  misfortune;  but  being  abso- 
lutely resolved  not  to  give  in,  they  determined  once 
more  to  put  two  hundred  and  fifty  vessels  on  the 
stocks  and  build  afresh.  These  were  finished  in  three 
months,  an  almost  incredibly  short  time,  and  the  new 


EOMAN    LIFE    OF    FIRST    PUNIC    WAR.         105 

consuls,    Aulus  Atilius   and   Gnaeus   Cornelius,    fitted 
out  a  fleet  and  put  to  sea.     (I,  38.) 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  Enumerate  the  Roman  traits  brought  out  in  these 
passages,  classifying  under  good  and  bad.  2.  Show 
how  the  gain  from  the  excellent  traits  more  than  over- 
balanced the  loss  from  the  bad  traits. 

SIEGE  OF  LILYBAEUM. 

The  Romans  made  two  camps,  one  on  each  side  of 
the  town,  and  connected  them  with  a  ditch,  stockade, 
and  wall.  Having  done  this,  they  began  the  assault 
by  advancing  their  siege  works  in  the  direction  of  the 
tower  nearest  the  sea,  which  commands  a  view  of  the 
Lybian  main.  They  did  this  gradually,  always  add- 
ing something  to  what  they  had  already  constructed, 
and  thus  bit  by  bit  pushed  their  works  forward  and 
extended  them  laterally,  till  at  last  they  had  brought 
down  not  only  this  tower,  but  the  six  next  to  it  also, 
and  at  the  same  time  began  battering  all  the  others 
with  battering  rams.  The  siege  was  carried  on  with 
vigor  and  terrific  energy;  every  day  some  of  the  towers 
were  shaken,  and  others  reduced  to  ruins;  every  day, 
too,  the  siege  works  advanced  farther  and  farther  and 
more  and  more  towards  the  heart  of  the  city,  and 
though  there  were  in  the  town,  besides  the  ordinary 
inhabitants,  as  many  as  ten  thousand  hired  soldiers, 
the  consternation  and  despondency  became  overwhelm- 
ing. Yet  their  commander,  Himilco,  omitted  no  meas- 
ure within  his  power.  As  fast  as  the  enemy  demol- 
ished a  fortification  he  threw  up  a  new  one;  he  also 
countermined  them,  and  reduced  the  assailants  to 
straits  of  no  ordinary  difiiculty.  Moreover,  he  made 
daily  sallies,  attempted  to  carry  or  throw  fire  into  the 
siege  works,  and  with  this  end  in  view  fought  many 
desperate  invasions  by  night  as  well  as  by  day;  so 
determined  was  the  fighting'  in  these  struggles  that 
sometimes  the  number  of  the  dead  was  greater  than  it 
ordinarily  is  in  a  pitched  battle.     (I,  42.) 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  Point  out  everything  in  the  above  passages  that 
proves  the  skill  of  the  Romans  in  military  science.  2. 
What  other  characteristics  did  they  display  during  the 

siege? 


106  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

TREATMENT    OF    ROMAN    OFFICERS. 

The  result  of  this  sea  fight  gave  Adherbal  a  high 
reputation  at  Carthage,  for  his  success  was  looked 
upon  as  wholly  due  to  himself  and  his  own  foresight 
and  courage;  while  at  Rome  Publius  fell  into  great 
disrepute  and  was  loudly  censured  as  having,  during 
his  administration,  as  far  as  a  single  man  could,  in- 
volved Rome  in  serious  disasters.  He  was  accordingly, 
some  time  afterwards,  brought  to  trial,  was  heavily 
fined,  and  exposed  to  considerable  danger.  Not  that 
the  Romans  gave  way  in  consequence  of  these  events. 
On  the  contrary  they  omitted  nothing  that  was  in  their 
power  to  do,  and  continued  resolute  to  prosecute  the 
campaign.     (I,  52.) 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  What  infiuence  would  the  treatment  of  Publius 
be  likely  to  have  upon  other  oflficers?  2.  What  seems 
to  have  been  the  effect  of  disaster  upon  the  Romans? 
Cite  other  cases  in  support  of  your  answer.  3.  What 
is  the  most  valuable  trait  that  you  have  met  with  yet? 

MORE    ROMAN    CHARACTERISTICS THE    FINAL 

STRUGGLE. 

The  fact  is  that  before  either  party  had  completely 
got  the  better  of  the  other,  though  they  had  main- 
tained the  conflict  for  another  two  years,  the  war  hap- 
pened to  be  decided  in  quite  a  different  manner.  The 
two  nations  engaged  were  like  well  bred  game-cocks 
that  fight  till  their  last  gasp.  You  may  see  them  often, 
when  too  weak  to  use  their  wings,  yet  full  of  pluck  to 
the  end  and  striking  again  and  again.  Finally  chance 
brings  them  the  opportunity  of  once  more  grappling, 
and  they  hold  on  until  one  or  other  of  them  drops 
down  dead.     (I,  58.) 

So  it  was  with  the  Romans  and  the  Carthaginians. 
They  were  worn  out  by  the  labors  of  the  war.  The 
perpetual  succession  of  hard  fought  struggles  was  at 
last  driving  them  to  despair;  their  strength  had  become 
paralyzed  and  their  resources  reduced  almost  to  ex- 
tinction by  war  taxes  and  expenses  extending  over  so 
many  years.  And  yet  the  Romans  did  not  give  in. 
For  the  last  five  years,  indeed,  they  had  entirely  aban- 
doned the  sea,  partly  because  of  the  disasters  they  had 
sustained  and  partly  because  they  felt  confident  of  de- 


ROMAN    LIFE    OP    FIRST    PUNIC    WARf        107 

ciding  the  war  by  means  of  their  land  forces;  but  they 
now  determined  for  the  third  time  to  make  trial  of 
their  fortune  in  naval  warfare.  .  .  .  Nevertheless 
it  was  essentially  an  effort  of  despair.  The  treasury 
was  empty  and  would  not  supply  the  funds  necessary 
for  the  undertaking, — which  were,  however,  obtained 
by  the  patriotism  and  generosity  of  the  leading  citi- 
zens. They  undertook  singly,  or  by  two  or  three  com- 
bining, according  to  their  means,  to  supply  a  quin- 
quereme  fully  fitted  out,  on  the  understanding  that  they 
were  to  be  repaid  if  the  expedition  were  successful. 
By  these  means  a  fleet  of  two  hundred  quinqueremes 
were  quickly  prepared,  built  on  the  model  of  the  ship 
of  the  Rhodians.  Gnaeus  Lutatius  was  then  appointed 
to  the  command  and  dispatched  at  the  beginning  of  the 
summer.  His  appearance  on  the  coast  of  Sicily  was  a 
surprise;  the  whole  of  the  Carthaginian  fleet  had  gone 
home,  and  he  took  possession  both  of  the  harbor  near 
Drepana  and  the  roadsteads  near  Lilybaeum.  He  then 
threw  up  works  around  the  city  of  Drepana  and  made 
other  preparations  for  besieging  it.  And  while  he 
pushed  on  these  operations  with  all  his  might  he  did 
not  at  the  same  time  lose  sight  of  the  approach  of  the 
Carthaginian  fleet.  He  kept  in  mind  the  original  idea 
of  this  expedition,  that  it  was  by  a  victory  at  sea  alone 
that  the  result  of  the  whole  war  could  be  decided.  He 
did  not,  therefore,  allow  the  time  to  be  wasted  or  un- 
employed. He  practiced  and  drilled  his  crews  every 
day  in  the  manoeuvers  which  they  would  be  called  upon 
to  perform,  and  by  his  attention  to  discipline  generally 
brought  his  sailors  in  a  very  short  time  to  the  condi- 
tions of  trained  athletes  for  the  contest  before  them. 
(I,  59.) 

That  the  Romans  should  have  a  fleet  afloat  once  more 
and  be  again  bidding  for  the  mastery  was  a  contin- 
gency wholly  unexpected  by  the  Carthaginians.    (I,  60.) 

When  the  Carthaginians  saw  that  the  Romans  were 
intercepting  their  passage  across  they  lowered  their 
masts  and,  after  some  words  of  mutual  exhortation  had 
been  uttered  in  the  several  ships,  closed  with  their  op- 
ponents. But  the  respective  state  of  equipment  of  the 
two  sides'  was  exactly  the  converse  of  what  it  had  beeu 
in  the  battle  of  Drepana,  and  the  result  of  the  battle 
was,  therefore,  naturally  reversed  also.  The  Romans 
had  reformed  their  mode  of  shipbuilding  and  had  eased 


108  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

their  vessels  of  all  freight,  except  the  provisions  neces- 
sary for  the  battle;  while  their  rowers,  having  been 
thoroughly  trained  and  got  well  together,  performed 
their  office  in  an  altogether  superior  manner,  and  were 
backed  up  by  marines  who,  being  picked  from  the 
legions,  were  all  but  invincible.  The  case  with  the 
Carthaginians  was  exactly  the  reverse.  Their  ships 
were  heavily  laden,  and  therefore  unmanageable  in  the 
engagement;  while  their  rowers  were  entirely  un- 
trained and  merely  put  on  board  for  the  emergency, 
and  such  marines  as  they  had  were  raw  recruits  who 
had  never  had  any  previous  experience  of  any  difficult 
or  dangerous  service.  The  fact  is  that  the  Cartha- 
ginian government  never  expected  that  the  Roman 
would  again  attempt  to  dispute  the  supremacy  at  sea. 
They  had,  therefore,  in  contempt  for  them,  neglected 
their  navy.  The  result  was  that,  as  soon  as  they  had 
closed,  their  manifold  disadvantages  quickly  decided 
the  battle  against  them.  They  had  fifty  ships  sunk  and 
seventy  taten  with  their  crews.  The  rest  set  t  jeir  sails 
and,  running  before  the  wind,  which,  luckily  i'or  them, 
suddenly  veered  around  at  the  nick  of  time  to  help 
them,  got  away  again  to  Holy  Isle.  The  Roman  consul 
sailed  back  to  Lilybaeum  to  join  the  army,  and  there 
occupied  himself  in  making  arrangements  for  the  ships 
and  men  which  he  had  captured,  which  was  a  business 
of  considerable  magnitude,  for  the  prisoners  made  in 
battle  amounted  to  little  short  of  ten  thousand.     (I,  61.) 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  Prove  the  desperate  character  of  the  Carthaginian 
"war.  2.  Show  how  it  was  that  Rome  finally  won; 
enumerate  all  the  good  features  of  the  Roman  consti- 
tution, the  Roman  military  system,  leadership,  or  char- 
acter that  enabled  them  to  win  in  this  supreme  mo- 
ment. 3.  Draw  a  pen-picture  of  the  Roman  of  this 
period,  making  use  of  all  the  answers  given  to  the 
preceding  questions. 


ROMAN  LIFE 

OF    THE 

JUGURTHINE  PERIOD. 


(109) 


CHAPTER  VIII. 


EOMAN  LIFE  OF  THE  JUGURTHINE 
PEEIOD. 

Sallust.  Literally  translated  by  the  Eev.  John 
Selby  Watson,  M.  A.     London,  1889. 

Cicero,  Marcus  Tullius:  The  Orations  of.  Lit- 
erally translated  by  C.  D.  Yonge,  B.  A.  4 
vols.  London,  1890.  Vol.  1  used  in  ex- 
tracts. 

c;j^HE  title  for  this  study  is  not,  perhaps, 
broad  enough  to  cover  all  the  extracts  in- 
cluded under  it.  The  original  intention 
was  to  present  material  only  from  the  Jugur- 
thine  period,  but  I  have  thought  best  to  add  a 
few  extracts  from  Cicero's  speech  against 
Verres,  delivered  some  thirty-five  years  after 
the  close  of  the  war,  as  evidence  that  the  con- 
dition of  Rome  had  not  improved  since  Jugur- 
tha's  day. 

Sallust,  who  wrote  the  history  of  the  Jugur- 
thine  war,  was  not  a  contemporary  writer.  The 
war  broke  out  112  B.  C.  and  Sallust  was  not 
born  until  87  B.  C,  thus  making  him  a  con- 
temporary of  Cicero.  Sallust  served  under 
Caesar  as  pro-consul  in  Numidia,  and  it  was 
probably  after  the  death  of  Caesar  (44  B.  C.) 
that  the  history  of  the  Jugurthine  war  was 
written.  If  this  date  is  correct,  the  history 
was  composed  about  sixty  years  after  the  close 
of  the  war.  It  is  not,  then,  the  work  of  any  eye 
witness,  not  even  of  a  contemporary;  the  infor- 
mation is  all  derived,  with  the  exception  of  a 
knowledge  of  the  theatre  of  the  war  obtained 

a  10) 


ROMAN    LIFE    OP   JUGURTHINE    PERIOD.      Ill 

from  a  residence  in  the  country.  In  spite  of 
all  this,  our  information  concerning  this  war 
is  drawn  chiefly  from  Sallust.  His  history  is 
not  a  source,  but,  unfortunately,  in  the  absence 
of  sources,  we  can  do  no  better  than  accept  his 
work  in  place  of  the  source.  Perhaps  no  bet- 
ter illustration  could  be  given  of  the  uncertain 
foundation  upon  which  our  knowledge  of  the 
past  sometimes  rests. 

What  is  the  value  of  Sallust's  History? 
Mommseu  (Roman  History,  III,  198),  says  of  it: 
"Sallust's  political  ^enre-painting  of  the  Ju- 
gurthine  war, — the  only  picture  that  has  pre- 
served its  colors  fresh  in  the  utterly  faded  and' 
blanched  tradition  of  this  epoch, — closes  with 
the  fall  of  Jugurtha,  faithful  to  its  style  of 
composition, — poetical,  not  historical."  In  an- 
other place  (III,  187)  he  writes:  "In  the  fasci- 
nating and  clever  description  of  this  war  by 
Sallust  the  chronology  has  been  unduly  neg- 
lected." What  we  know  of  the  man  does  not 
strengthen  our  confidence  in  his  work.  He  is 
charged  with  licentiousness  and  corruption. 
He  plundered  Numidia,  and  on  his  return  to 
Rome,  he  was  followed  by  the  Numidians,  who 
charged  him  with  extortion.  Caesar  interposed 
in  his  behalf.  Seldom  does  he  cite  his  sources 
of  information,  and  his  method  of  treatment 
does  not  justify  us  in  concluding  that  he  used 
them  critically  or  followed  them  closel}'.  The 
ri)eeches,  so  frequently  introduced,  are  clearly 
nothing  more  than  so  many  rhetorical  exercises. 

The  speech  of  Cicero  presents  material  of  a 
different  kind.  It  was  actually  delivered  in 
Rome  in  the  year  70  B.  C,  in  the  prosecution 
of  Verres  for  rapacity  and  tyranny  while  prae^ 
tor  in  Sicily.  Cicero  was  invited  by  the  pooplie 
of  Sicily  to  prosecute  Verres.  He  went  there? 
to  collect  evidence  and,  in  his  own  woi^ds  (Ora- 
tion, chap.   IT),  "I,  in  fifty  days,  so  travelled 


112  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

over  the  whole  of  Sicily  that  I  examined  into 
the  records  and  injuries  of  all  the  tribes  and  of 
all  private  individuals."  The  evidence  was  so 
overwhelming  that  Verres  went  of  his  own  ac- 
cord into  banishment  without  trying  to  make  a 
defense. 

This  speech  then — due  allowance  being  made 
for  the  fact  that  it  was  delivered  in  a  public 
prosecution — would  seem  to  contain  the  best  of 
evidence  upon  the  treatment  of  the  provinces 
by  such  men  as  Verres.  How  far  it  would  be 
safe  to  generalize  upon  this  evidence  is  another 
question.  All  the  Roman  officials  were  cer- 
tainly not  so  bad  as  Verres,  but  it  is  very  clear 
that  the  opportunity  for  plunder  existed  and 
was  taken  advantage  of  to  such  an  extent  that 
it  turned  the  provinces  against  Rome. 

An  excellent  exercise  in  connection  with  this 
study  would  be  to  make  use  of  Cicero's  oration 
against  Catiline  as  additional  evidence.  The 
Latin  oration  could  be  used  when  the  class  is 
made  up  of  students  that  have  already  read  the 
oration.  When  only  a  few  in  the  class  have 
read  it  they  might  be  asked  to  present  portions 
of  it,  emphasis  being  laid  upon  the  fact  that  in 
using  the  Latin  itself  they  are  coming  one  step 
nearer  to  the  event.  Extracts  from  the  Gallic 
Wars  of  Caesar  might  be  used  in  the  same  way 
by  classes  studying  Roman  history. 

I.     The  Jugurthinb  War. 

JUGURTHA     BRIBES    INFLUENTIAL     ROMANS. 

The  report  of  so  atrocious  an  outrage  (the  murder 
of  Hiempsal)  was  soon  spread  throughout  Africa. 
Fear  seized  on  Adherbal,  and  on  all  who  had  been  sub- 
ject to  Micipsa.  The  Numidians  divided  into  two  par- 
ties, the  greater  number  following  Adherbal,  but  the 
more  warlike,  Jugurtha;  who,  accordingly,  armed  as 
large  a  force  as  he  could,  brought  several  cities,  partly 
by  force  and  partly  by  their  own  consent,  under  his 
power,  and  prepared  to  make  himself  sovereign  of  the 


EOMAN    LIFE    OF    JUGURTHINE    PERIOD.      113 

whole  of  Numidia.  Adherbal,  though  he  had  sent  am- 
bassadors to  Rome,  to  inform  the  Senate  of  his  broth- 
er's murder  and  his  own  circumstances,  yet,  relying 
on  the  number  of  his  troops,  prepared  for  an  armed 
resistance.  When  the  matter,  however,  came  to  a  con- 
test, he  was  defeated,  and  fled  from  the  field  of  battle 
into  our  province,  and  from  thence  hastened  to  Rome. 

Jugurtha,  having  thus  accomplished  his  purposes, 
and  reflecting,  at  leisure,  on  the  crime  which  he  had 
committed,  began  to  feel  a  dread  of  the  Roman  psople, 
against  whose  resentment  he  had  no  hopes  of  security 
but  in  the  avarice  of  the  nobility,  and  in  his  own 
wealth.  A  few  days  afterwards,  therefore,  he  dis- 
patched ambassadors  to  Rome,  with  a  profusion  of 
gold  and  silver,  whom  he  directed,  in  the  first  place, 
to  make  an  abundance  of  presents  to  his  old  friends, 
and  then  to  procure  him  new  ones;  and  not  to  hesi- 
tate, in  short,  to  effect  whatever  could  be  done  by 
bribery. 

When  these  deputies  had  arrived  at  Rome,  and  had 
sent  large  presents,  according  to  the  prince's  direc- 
tion, to  his  intimate  friends,  and  to  others  whose  in- 
fluence was  at  that  time  powerful,  so  remarkable  a 
change  ensued  that  Jugurtha,  from  being  an  object 
of  the  greatest  odium,  grew  into  great  regard  and 
favor  with  the  nobility,  who,  partly  allured  with 
hope,  and  partly  with  actual  largesses,  endeavored,  by 
soliciting  the  members  of  the  Senate  individually,  to 
prevent  any  severe  measures  from  being  adopted 
against  him.  When  the  ambassadors,  accordingly,  felt 
sure  of  success,  the  Senate,  on  a  fixed  day,  gave  audi- 
ence to  both  parties.     (Chap.  13.) 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  How  did  the  Numidians  evidently  look  Upon 
Rome?  2.  What  advantages  had  Jugurtha  over  Ad- 
herbal? 3.  What  was  evidently  Jugurtha's  opinion  of 
the  integrity  of  Roman  leaders?  4.  What  reasons  had 
lie  for  such  a  belief?  5.  Describe  his  methods  in 
Rome.     6.  Did  their  success  bear  out  his  belief? 

JUGURTHA   DEFENDS    HIMSELF    WITH    BRIBES. 

When  the  Prince  Adherbal  had  concluded  his  speech, 
the  ambassadors  of  Jugurtha,  depending  more  on  their 
money  than  their  cause,  replied,  in  a  few  words,  "that 
Hiempsal  had  been  put  to  death  by  the  Numidians  for 


114  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

his  cruelty;  that  Adherbal,  commencing  war  of  his 
own  accord,  complained,  after  he  was  defeated,  of 
being  unable  to  do  injury;  and  that  Jugurtha  entreated 
the  Senate  not  to  consider  him  a  different  person  from 
what  he  had  been  known  to  be  at  Numantia,  nor  to 
set  the  assertions  of  his  enemy  above  his  own  con- 
duct." 

Both  parties  then  withdrew  from  the  Senate  house, 
and  the  Senate  immediately  proceeded  to  deliberate. 
The  partisans  of  the  ambassadors,  with  a  great  many 
others,  corrupted  by  their  influence,  expressed  con- 
tempt for  the  statements  of  Adherbal,  extolled  with 
the  highest  encomiums  the  merits  of  Jugurtha,  and  ex- 
erted themselves  as  strenuously  with  their  interest 
and  their  eloquence,  in  defense  of  the  guilt  and  infamy 
of  another,  as  they  would  have  striven  for  their  own 
honor.  A  few,  however,  on  the  other  hand,  to  whom 
right  and  justice  were  of  more  estimation  than  wealth, 
gave  their  opinion  that  Adherbal  should  be  assisted, 
and  the  murder  of  Hiempsal  should  be  severely 
avenged.  Of  all  these  the  most  forward  was  Aemilius 
Scaurus,  a  man  of  noble  birth  and  great  energy,  but 
factious,  and  ambitious  of  power,  honor,  and  wealth; 
yet  an  artful  concealer  of  his  own  vices.  He,  seeing 
that  the  bribery  of  Jurgutha  was  notorious  and  shame- 
less, and  fearing  that,  as  in  such  cases  often  happens, 
its  scandalous  profusion  might  excite  public  odium, 
restrained  himself  from  the  indulgence  of  his  ruling 
passion.     (Chap.  15.) 

Yet  that  party  gained  the  superiority  in  the  Senate, 
which  preferred  money  and  interest  to  justice.  A  de- 
cree was  made  "that  ten  commissioners  should  divide 
the  kingdom,  which  Micipsa  had  possessed,  between 
Jugurtha  and  Adherbal."  Of  this  commission,  the 
leading  person  was  Lucius  Opimius,  a  man  of  distinc- 
tion and  of  great  influence  at  that  time  in  the  Senate, 
from  having  in  his  Consulship  on  the  death  of  Caius 
Gracchus  and  Marcus  Falvius  Flaccus,  prosecuted  the 
victoi-y  of  the  nobility  over  the  plebians  with  great 
severity. 

Jugurtha,  though  he  had  already  counted  Scaurus 
among  his  friends  at  Rome,  yet  received  him  with  the 
most  studied  ceremony,  and  by  presents  and  promises, 
wrought  on  him  so  effeclually  that  he  preferred   the 


ROMAN    LIFE    OF   JUGURTHINE    PERIOD.      115 

prince's  interest  to  his  own  character,  honor,  and  all 
other  considerations.  The  rest  of  the  commissioners 
he  assailed  in  a  similar  way  and  gained  over  most  of 
them;  by  a  few  only  integrity  was  more  regarded  than 
lucre.  -  In  the  division  of  the  kingdom,  that  part  of 
Numidia  which  borders  on  Mauretania,  and  which  is 
superior  in  fertility  and  population,  was  allotted  to 
Jugurtha;  of  the  other  part,  which,  though  better  fur- 
nished with  harbors  and  buildings,  was  more  valuable 
in  appearance  than  in  reality,  Adherbal  became  the 
possessor.     (Chap.  16.) 

QUESTIONS. 
1.  Apart  from  the  murder  of  Hiempsal,  what  charges 
could  really  be  made  against  Jugurtha?  2.  Was  his 
defense  skilfully  conducted?  3.  To  what  extent  do 
the  facts  given  by  Sallust  bear  out  his  generalizations? 
4.  Upon  what  points  is  more  first  hand  evidence  nec- 
essary? 5.  What  statements  would  it  be  difficult,  un- 
der the  most  favorable  conditions,  to  prove? 

THE  SENATE  CORRUPTED  BY  JUGURTHA. 

These  deputies  soon  arrived  in  Africa,  using  the 
greater  dispatch,  because,  whilst  they  were  preparing 
for  their  journey,  a  report  was  spread  in  Rome  of  the 
battle  which  had  been  fought  and  of  the  siege  of  Cirta; 
but  this  report  told  much  less  than  the  truth.  Jugur- 
tha, having  given  them  an  audience,  replied,  "that 
nothing  was  of  greater  weight  with  him,  nothing 
more  respected,  than  the  authority  of  the  Senate;  that 
it  had  been  his  endeavor,  from  his  youth,  to  deserve 
the  esteem  of  all  men  of  worth;  that  he  had  gained 
the  favor  of  Publius  Scipio,  a  man  of  the  highest  emi- 
nence, not  by  dishonorable  practices,  but  by  merit; 
that,  for  the  same  good  qualities,  and  not  from  want 
of  heirs  to  the  throne,  he  had  been  adopted  by  Micipsa; 
but  that,  the  more  honorable  and  spirited  his  conduct 
had  been,  the  less  could  his  feelings  endure  injustice; 
that  Adherbal  had  formed  designs  against  his  life,  on 
discovering  which,  he  had  counteracted  his  malice; 
that  the  Romans  would  act  neither  justly  nor  reasona- 
bly if  they  withheld  from  him  the  common  right  of 
nations;  and,  in  conclusion,  that  he  would  soon  send 
ambassadors  to  Rome  to  explain  the  whole  of  his  pro- 
ceedings." On  this  understanding,  both  parties  sepa- 
rated.  Of  addressing  Adherbal,  the  deputies  had  no 
opportunity.     (Chap.  22.) 


116  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES,     * 

When  this  outrage  was  reported  at  Rome,  and  be- 
came a  matter  of  discussion  in  the  Senate,  the  former 
partisans  of  Jugurtha  applied  themselves  by  interrupt- 
ing the  debates  and  protracting  the  time,  sometimes 
exerting  their  interests,  and  sometimes  quarreling  wi  h 
particular  members,  to  palliate  the  atrocity  of  the 
deed.  And  had  not  Caius  Memmius,  one  of  the  tri- 
bunes of  the  people  elect,  convinced  the  people  of  Rome 
that  an  attempt  was  being  made,  by  the  agency  of  a 
small  faction,  to  have  the  crimes  of  Jugurtha  par- 
doned, it  is  certain  that  the  public  indignation  against 
him  would  have  passed  off  under  the  protraction  of 
the  debates;  so  powerful  was  party  interest  and  the 
influence  of  Jugurtha's  monry.     (Chap.  27.) 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  Does  Jugurtha's  speech  to  the  ambassadors  seem 
plausible?  2.  Upon  what  one  point  would  you  like 
more  evidence?  3.  Concerning  what  took  place  in 
Rome,  what  two  things  would  be  generally  known? 
4.  Wovld  it  have  been  even  then  so  easy  to  prove  the 
causes  of  the  delay  in  the  Senate?  5.  Our  belief  in  the 
corruption  of  the  Senate  rests  upon  what  other  belief? 

JUGURTHA    BRIBES    A    CONSUL    AND    CORRUPTS    HIS 
ARMY. 

When  Jugurtha  received  this  news  (that  an  army 
was  to  be  sent  against  him)  which  was  utterly  at  vari- 
ance with  his  expectations,  as  he  had  felt  convinced 
that  all  things  were  purchasable  at  Rome,  he  sent 
his  son,  with  two  of  his  friends,  as  deputies  to  the 
Senate,  and  directed  them,  like  those  whom  he  had 
sent  on  the  murder  of  Hiempsal,  to  attack  everybody 
with  bribes.     (Chap.  28.) 

But  when  Jugurtha  bgan  to  temp',  him  (Calpurnius, 
the  Consul)  with  bribes,  and  to  show  the  difficulties 
of  the  war  which  he  had  undertaken  to  conduct,  his 
mind,  corrupted  with  avarice,  was  easily  altered.  His 
accomplice,  however,  and  manager  in  all  his  schemes, 
was  Scaurus;  who,  though  he  had  at  first,  when  most 
of  his  party  were  corrupted,  displayed  violent  hos- 
tility to  Jugurtha,  yet  was  afterwards  seduced  by  a  vast 
sum  of  money  from  integrity  and  honor  to  injustice 
and  perfidy.     (Chap.  29.) 

During  the  course  of  these  proceedings  at  Rome, 
those  whom  Bestia  had  left  in  Numidia  in  command 


ROMAN    LIFE    OF    JUGURTHINB    PERIOD.       117 

of  the  army,  following  the  example  of  their  general, 
had  been  guilty  of  many  scandalous  transactions. 
Some,  seduced  by  gold,  had  restored  Jugurtha  his  ele- 
phants; others  had  sold  him  his  deserters;  others  had 
ravished  the  lands  of  those  at  peace  with  us;  so  strong 
a  spirit  of  rapacity,  like  the  contagion  of  pestilence, 
had  pervaded  the  breasts  of  all.     (Chap.  32.) 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  How  many  of  the  statements  made  by  Sallust  in 
chapter  28  would  it  have  been  difficult  to  prove 
even  at  the  time?  2.  What  easily  ascertainable  fact 
is  stated  in  the  same  chapter?  3.  What  was  evidently 
the  belief  in  Rome  concerning  the  integrity  of  Cal- 
purnius  and  Scaurus?  4.  What  was  the  condition  of 
the  army  in  Africa? 

JUGURTHA    BRIBES    A    TRIBUNE. 

Jugurtha,  accordingly,  accompanied  Cassius  to 
Rome,  but  without  any  mark  of  royalty,  and  in  the 
garb,  as  much  as  possible,  of  a  suppliant;  and,  thouj,h 
he  felt  great  confidence  on  his  own  part,  and  was  sup- 
ported by  all  those  through  whose  power  or  villany 
he  had  accomplished  his  projects,  he  purchased,  by  a 
vast  bribe,  the  aid  of  Caius  Baebius,  a  tribune  of  the 
people,  by  whose  audacity  he  hoped  to  be  protected 
against  the  law  and  against  all  harm.     (Chap.  33.) 

But  when  Memmius  had  concluded  his  speech,  and 
Jugurtha  was  expected  to  give  his  answer,  Caius 
Baebius,  the  tribune  of  the  people,  whom  I  have  just 
noticed  as  having  been  bribed,  enjoined  the  prince 
to  hold  his  peace;  and  though  the  multitude,  who 
formed  the  assembly,  were  desperately  enraged,  and 
endeavored  to  terrify  the  tribune  by  outcries,  by  angry 
looks,  by  violent  gestures,  and  by  every  other  act  to 
which  anger  prompts,  his  audacity  was  at  last  trium- 
phant. The  people,  mocked  and  set  at  naught,  with- 
drew from  the  place  of  assembly;  and  the  confidence 
of  Jugurtha,  Baestia,  and  the  others,  whom  this  in- 
vestigation had  alarmed,  was  greatly  augmented. 
(Chap.  34.) 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  What  reason  had  Jugurtha  to  feel  confident?  2. 
Why  did  he  then  wear  "the  garb  of  a  suppliant"?  3. 
V.'hat  proof  does  Sulla  give  that  the  tribune  Baebius 
was  bribed  by  Jugurtha?  4.  What  Influence  did  the 
people  of  Rome  have  at  this  time? 


118  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

THE    ASSASSINATION    OF    MASSIVA. 

One  of  their  number  sprung  upon  Massiva,  though 
with  too  little  caution,  and  killed  him;  but  being  him- 
self caught,  he  made,  at  the  instigation  of  many,  and 
especially  of  Albinus  the  consul,  a  full  confession. 
Bomilcar  was  accordingly  committed  for  trial,  though 
rather  on  the  principles  of  reason  and  justice  than  in 
accordance  with  the  law  of  nations,  as  he  was  in  the 
retinue  of  one  who  had  come  to  Rome  on  a  pledge  of 
the  public  faith  for  his  safety.  But  Jugurtha,  though 
clearly  guilty  of  the  crime,  did  not  cease  to  struggle 
against  the  truth  until  he  perceived  that  the  infamy 
of  the  deed  was  too  strong  for  his  interests  or  his 
money;  for  which  reason,  although,  at  the  commence- 
ment of  the  proceedings  he  had  given  fifty  of  his 
friends  as  bail  for  Bomilcar,  yet,  thinking  more  of  his 
kingdom  than  of  the  sureties,  he  sent  him  off  privately 
into  Numidia;  for  he  feared  that  if  such  a  man  should 
be  executed,  his  other  subjects  would  be  deterred  from 
obeying  him.  A  few  days  after,  he  himself  departed, 
having  been  ordered  by  the  Senate  to  quit  Italy.  But, 
as  he  was  going  from  Rome,  he  is  said,  after  fre- 
quently looking  back  on  it  in  silence,  to  have  at  last 
exclaimed:  "That  it  was  a  venal  city,  and  would  soon 
perish  if  it  could  but  find  a  purchaser!"     (Chap.  35.) 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  Why  was  it  not  "in  accordance  with  the  law  of 
nations"  that  Bomilcar  should  be  tried?  2.  Give  a 
list  of  the  acts  committed  by  Jugurtha  that  showed 
his  lawlessness.  3.  Ranke  believes  that  Jugurtha  must 
have  spoken  the  famous  words  before  leaving  Rome. 
Why  should  he  think  so? 

LACK    OF    DISCIPLINE    IN    THE    ARMY. 

Meanwhile,  by  means  of  skillful  emissaries,  he  tam- 
pered night  and  day  with  our  men,  and  prevailed  on 
some  of  the  officers,  both  of  infantry  and  cavalry,  to 
desert  to  him  at  once  and  upon  others  to  quit  their 
posts  at  a  given  signal,  that  their  defection  might  thus 
be  less  observed.  Having  prepared  matters  according 
to  his  wishes,  he  suddenly  surrounded  the  camp  of 
Aulus  in  the  dead  of  night,  with  a  vast  body  of  Nu- 
midians.  The  Roriian  soldiers  were  alarmed  with  an 
unusual  disturbance;  some  of  them  seized  their  arms, 
others  hid  themselves,  others   encouraged   those  that 


ROMAN    LIFE    OF    JUGURTHIXE    PERIOD.       119 

were  afraid;  but  coasternatioa  prevailed  everywhere; 
for  the  number  of  the  enemy  was  great,  the  sky  was 
thick  with  clouds  and  darkness,  the  danger  was  indis- 
cernible, and  it  was  uncertain  whether  it  was  safer 
to  flee  or  to  remiain.  Of  itihose  whom  I  have  just  men- 
tioned as  being  bribed,  one  cohort  of  Ligurians,  with 
two  troops  of  Thracian  horse,  and  a  few  common 
soldiers,  went  over  to  Jugurtha;  and  the  chief  cen- 
turion of  the  third  legion  allowed  the  enemy  an  en- 
trance which  he  had  been  appointed  to  defend,  and  at 
which  all  the  Numidians  poured  intO'  the  camp.  Our 
men  fled  disgracefully,  the  greater  part  having  thrown 
their  arms,  and  took  possession  of  a  neighboring  hill. 
(Chap.  38.) 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  Oonltrast  the  conduct  of  the  Romans  in  this  war 
with  their  conduct  in  the  Carthaginian  war.  What 
changes  have  taken  place?  2.  What  change  has  taken 
place  in  the  composition  of  the  army?  3,  What  influ- 
ence would  that  be  likely  to  have? 

CORRUPTION    IN    THE    GOVERNMENT    AND    LACK    OF 
MILITARY   VIRTUE   IN   THE   ARMY. 

The  prevalence  of  parties  among  the  people,  and  the 
factions  in  the  Senate,  and  of  all  evil  practices  depend- 
ent on  them,  had  its  origin  at  Rome  a  few  years  be- 
fore, during  a  period  of  tranquility,  and  amidst  the 
abundance  of  all  that  mankind  regarded  as  desirable. 
For,  before  the  destruction  of  Carthage,  the  Senate  and 
the  people  managed  the  affairs  of  the  Republic  with 
mutual  moderation  and  forbearance;  there  were  no 
coin  tests  among  the  citizens  for  honor  or  ascendency; 
but  the  dread  of  an  enemy  kept  the  state  in  order. 
When  that  fear,  however,  was  removed  from  their 
minds,  licentiousness  and  pride,  evils  which  prosperity 
loves  to  foster,  immediately  began  to  prevail;  and 
thus  peace,  which  they  had  so  eagerly  desired  in  ad- 
versity, proved,  when  they  had  obtained  it,  more 
grievous  and  fatal  than  adversity  itself.  The  patri- 
cians carried  their  authority  and  the  people  their 
liberty  to  excess;  every  man  took,  snatched,  and  seized 
what  he  could.  There  was  a  complete  division  into 
two  factions,  and  the  Republic  was  torn  into  pieces 
between  them.  Yet  the  nobility  still  maintained  an 
ascendency  by  conspiring  together;  for  the  strength 
10 


120 


EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 


of  the  people,  being  disunited  and  dispersed  among 
a  multitude,  was  less  able  to  exert  itself.  Things  were 
accordingly  directed,  both  at  home  and  in  the  field, 
by  the  will  of  a  small  number  of  men,  at  whose  dis- 
posal were  the  treasuries,  the  provinces,  offices,  honors, 
and  triumphs;  while  the  people  were  oppressed  with 
military  service  and  with  poverty,  and  the  generals 
divided  the  spoils  of  war  with  a  few  of  their  friends. 
(Chap.  41.) 

When  he  arrived  in  Africa,  the  command  of  the 
army  was  assigned  to  him  by  Albinus,  the  pro-consul; 
but  it  was  an  army  spiritless  and  unwarlike;  incapable 
of  encountering  either  danger  or  fatigue;  more  ready 
with  the  tongue  than  with  the  sword;  accustomed 
to  plunder  our  allies  while  itself  was  the  prey  of  the 
enemy;  unchecked  by  discipline,  and  void  of  respect 
to  its  character.  The  new  general,  accordingly,  felt 
more  anxiety  from  the  corrupt  morals  of  the  men,  than 
confidence  or  hope  from  their  numbers.  He  deter- 
mined, however,  though  the  delay  of  the  commitia  had 
shortened  his  summer  campaign,  and  though  he  knew 
his  countrymen  to  be  anxious  for  the  result  of  the 
proceedings,  not  to  commence  operations,  until,  by  the 
revival  of  the  old  discipline  he  had  brought  the  sol- 
diers to  bear  fatigue.  .  .  .  But  neither  had  the 
camp  been  fortified,  nor  the  watches  kept  according 
to  military  usage;  everyone  had  been  allowed  to  leave 
his  post  when  he  pleased.  The  camp  followers  min- 
gled with  the  soldiers,  wandered  about  day  and  night, 
ravaging  the  country,  robbing  the  houses,  and  vising 
with  each  other  in  carrying  off  cattle  and  slaves  which 
they  exchanged  with  traders  for  foreign  wine  and 
other  luxuries;  they  even  sold  the  corn,  which  was 
given  them  from  the  public  store  and  bought  bread 
from  day  to  day.     (Chap.  44.) 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  Enumerate  all  the  evils  in  Roman  society  that  ar^ 
shown  by  Sallust.  2.  How  many  of  his  statements 
deal  with  the  matters  that  must  have  been  clear  to  the 
public  at  large?  3.  How  many  of  his  statements  are 
detailed  and  proved?  4.  What  changes  had  taken 
place  in  the  army? 


ROMAN    LIFE    OF   JUGURTHINE    PERIOD.       121 

II.     Maladministration  of  Provinces. 

THE   JUDGES    CORRUPT. 

For  an  opinion  has  now  become  established,  per- 
ijicious  to  us,  and  pernicious  to  the  public,  which  has 
been  the  common  talk  of  everyone,  not  only  of  Rome, 
but  among  foreign  nations  also — that  in  the  courts 
of  law  as  they  exist  at  present  no  wealthy  man,  how- 
ever guilty  he  may  be,  can  possibly  be  co^nvicted. 
Now,  at  this  time  of  peril  to  your  order,  and  to  your 
tribunals,  when  men  are  ready  to  attempt  by  ha- 
rangues and  by  the  proposal  of  new  laws,  to  increase 
the  existing  unpopularity  of  the  Se'nate,  Caius  Verres 
is  brought  to  trial  as  a  criminal,  a  man  cindemned 
In  the  opinion  of  everyone  by  his  life  and  actions, 
but  acquitted  by  the  enormousness  of  his  wealth,  ac- 
cording to  his  own  hope  and  boast.  I,  O  Judges,  have 
undertaken  this  cause  as  prosecutor  with  the  greatest 
good  wishes  and  expectation  on  the  part  of  the  Ro- 
man people,  not  in  order  to  increase  the  unpopularity 
of  the  Senate,  but  to  relieve  it  from  the  discredit  which 
I  share  with  it.  For  I  have  brought  before  you  a 
man,  by  acting  justly  in  whose  case,  you  have  an 
opportunity  of  retrieving  the  lost  credit  of  your  judi- 
cial proceedings,  of  regaining  your  credit  with  the 
Roman  people,  and  of  giving  satisfaction  to  foreign 
nations;  a  man,  the  embezzler  of  the  public  funds, 
the  petty  tyrant  of  Asia  and  Pamphylia,  the  robber 
who  would  deprive  the  city  of  its  rights,  the  disgrace 
and  ruin  of  the  province  of  S:ciy.  And  if  you  coma 
to  a  decision  about  this  man  with  severity,  and  a  due 
regard  to  your  oaths,  that  authority  which  ought  to  re- 
main in  you  will  cling  to  you  still,  but  if  that  man 
with  vast  riches  shall  break  down  the  sanctity  of  the 
courts  of  justice,  at  least  I  shall  achieve  this,  that  it 
shall  be  plain  that  it  was  rather  honest  judgment 
that  was  wanting  to  the  republic  than  a  criminal  to 
the  judges  or  an  accuser  to  the  criminal.     (Chap.  1.) 

While  this  man  was  praetor,  the  Sicilians  enjoyed 
neither  their  own  laws  nor  the  decrees  of  our  Senate, 
nor  the  oommon  rights  of  every  nation.  Everyone 
in  Sicily  has  only  so  much  left  as  either  escaped  the 
notice  or  was  desregarded  by  the  satiety  of  that  most 
avaricious  and  licentious  man.     (Chap.  4.) 


122  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

No  legal  decision  for  three  years  was  given  on  any 
other  ground  but  his  will;  no  property  was  so  secure 
to  any  man,  even  if  it  had  descended  to  him  from 
his  father  and  grandfather,  but  he  was  deprived  of  it 
at  his  command;  enormous  sums  of  money  were  ex- 
acted from  the  property  of  the  cultivators  of  the  soil" 
by  a  new  and  nefarious  system.  The  most  faithful  of 
the  allies  were  classed  in  the  number  of  enemies. 
Roman  citizens  were  tortured  and  put  to  death  like 
slaves;  the  greatest  criminals  were  acquitted  in  the 
courts  of  justice  through  bribery;  the  most  upright 
and  honorable  men,  being  prosecuted  while  absent, 
were  condemned  and  banished  without  being  heard 
in  their  own  defense;  the  most  fortified  harbors,  the 
greatest  and  strongest  cities,  were  laid  op;n  to  piratjs 
and  robbers;  the  sailors  and  soldiers  of  the  Sicilians, 
our  own  allies  and  friends,  died  of  hunger;  the  test 
built  fleets  on  the  most  important  stations  were  lost 
and  destroyed,  to  the  great  disgrace  of  the  Roman 
people.  This  same  man  while  praetor  plundered  and 
stripped  those  most  ancient  monuments,  some  erected 
by  wealthy  monarchs  and  intended  by  tHem  as  orna- 
ments for  their  cities;  some,  too,  the  work  of  our  own 
generals,  which  they  eith,er  gave  or  restored  as  con- 
querors to  the  different  states  in  Sicily.  And  he  did 
this  not  only  to  public  statues  and  ornaments,  tut  he 
also  plundered  all  the  temples  consecrated  in  the  deep- 
est religious  feelings  of  the  people.  He  did  not  leave, 
in  short,  one  god  to  the  Sicilians  which  appeared  to 
him  to  be  made  in  a  tolerably  workmanlike  manner, 
and  with  any  of  the  skill  of  the  ancients.  (Oration, 
chap.  5.) 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  Compare  the  value  of  this  material  with  that 
taken  from  Sallust.  2.  What  evidence  does  Cicero 
give  of  the  corrupt  state  of  the  courts?  3.  What  inter- 
est had  "foreign  nations"  in  this  trial?  4.  Enumerate 
the  crimes  committed  by  Verres  and  show  how  the 
state  would  be  injured  by  them. 

VERRES  TRIES  TO  CORRUPT  THE  COURT. 

When  he  first  returned  from  the  province,  he  endeav- 
ored to  get  rid  of  this  prosecution  by  corrupting  the 
judges  at  a  great  expense;  and  this  object  he  continued 
to  keep  in  view  till  the  conclusion  of  the  appointment 


ROMAN    LIFE    OP    JUGURTHINE    PERIOD.       123 

of  the  judges.  After  the  judges  were  appointed,  be- 
cause in  drawing  lots  for  them  the  fortune  of  the 
Roman  people  had  defeated  his  hopes,  and  in  reject- 
ing some,  my  diligence  had  defeated  his  impudence, 
before  the  attempted  bribery  was  abandoned.  The  af- 
fair was  going  on  admirably;  lists  of  your  names  and 
of  the  whole  tribunal  were  in  everyone's  hands.  It 
did  not  seem  possible  to  mark  the  votes  of  these  men 
with  any  distinguishing  mark  or  color  or  spot  of  dirt; 
and  that  fellow,  from  having  been  brisk  and  in  high 
spirits,  became  on  a  sudden  so  downcast  and  hum- 
bled that  he  seem.ed  to  be  condemned  not  only  by  the 
Roman  people,  but  even  by  himself.  But  lo!  all  of  a 
sudden,  within  these  few  days,  since  the  consular 
commitia  has  taken  place,  he  has  gone  back  to  his 
original  plan  with  more  money,  and  his  same  plots  are 
now  laid  against  your  reputation  and  against  the  for- 
tunes of  everyone,  by  the  instrumentality  of  the  same 
people.     (Chap.  6.) 

For  as  Hortensius,  the  consul  elect,  was  being  at- 
tended home  again  from  the  campus  by  a  great  con- 
course and  multitude  of  people,  Caius  Curio  fell  in  with 
that  multitude  by  chance, — a  man  whom  I  wish  to 
name  by  way  of  honor  rather  than  by  way  of  dispar- 
agement. I  will  tell  you  what,  if  he  had  been  un- 
willing to  have  it  mentioned,  he  would  not  have  spoken 
of  in  so  large  an  assembly,  so  openly  and  undis- 
guisedly;  which,  however,  shall  be  mentioned  by  me 
deliberately  and  cautiously  that  it  may  be  seen  that 
I  pay  due  regard  to  our  friendship  and  to  his  digiiiy. 
He  sses  Verres  in  a  crowd  by  the  Arch  of  Fabius; 
he  speaks  to  the  man,  and  with  a  loud  voice  congratu- 
lates him  on  his  victory.  He  does  not  say  a  word  to 
Hortensius  himself,  who  had  been  made  consul,  or  to 
his  friends  and  relations  who  were  present  attending 
on  him;  but  he  stops  to  speak  to  this  man,  embrajces 
him,  and  bids  him  cast  off  all  anxiety.  "I  give  you 
notice,"  said  he,  "that  you  have  been  acquitted  by  this 
day's  commitia."  And  as  many  most  honorable  men 
heard  this  it  is  immediately  reported  to  me;  indeed, 
everyone  who  saw  me  mentioned  it  to  me  the  first 
thing.  To  some  it  appeared  scandalous,  to  others 
ridiculous;  ridiculous  to  those  who  thought  that  this 
cause  depended  on  the  credibility  of  the  witnesses, 
on  the  importance  of  the  charges,  and  on  the  power 


124  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

of  the  judges,  and  not  on  the  consular  commitia;  scan- 
dalous to  those  who  looked  deeper,  and  who  thought 
that  this  congratulation  had  reference  to  the  corrup- 
tion of  the  judge.  In  truth  they  argued  in  this  man- 
ner— the  most  honorable  men  spoke  to  one  another 
and  to  me  in  this  manner — that  there  were  now  mani- 
festly and  undeniably  no  courts  of  justice  at  all. 
The  very  criminal  who  the. day  before  thought  that 
he  was  already  condemned,  is  acquitted  now  that  his 
defender  has  been  made  consul.  What  are  we  to  think 
then?  Will  it  avail  nothing  that  all  Sicily,  all  the 
Sicilians,  that  all  the  merchants  who  have  business 
in  that  country,  that  all  public  and  private  documents 
are  now  at  Rome?  Nothing,  if  the  consul  elect  wills 
it  otherwise.  What!  Will  not  the  judges  be  influ- 
enced by  the  accusation,  by  the  evidence,  by  the  uni- 
versal opinion  of  the  Roman  people?  No.  Every- 
thing will  be  governed  by  the  power  and  authority 
of  one  man.  (Oration,  chap.  7.) 
QUESTIONS. 
1.  How  did  Cicero  defeat  Verres'  attempt  at  bribery? 

2.  Why  did  Verres  use  his  money  to  elect  Hortensius? 

3.  Why  did  Cicero  consider  the  conversation  between 
Curio  and  Verres  so  important?  4.  What  was  the 
real  danger  that  menaced  the  Roman  state?  5. 
Make  a  brief  comparison  of  the  Roman  of  this  period 
with  the  Roman  of  the  preceding  period. 


ROMAN  LIFE  UNDER  THE 
EMPIRE. 


(126) 


CHAPTER  IX. 


ROMAN  LIFE  UNDER  THE  EMPIRE. 

The  Letters  of  Caius  Plinius  Caecilius  Secun- 
dus.  The  translation  of  Melmoth,  revised 
and  corrected  by  Rev.  F.  C.  Bosanquet, 
B.  A.     London,  1890. 

LINY,  commonly  known  as  Pliny  the 
younger,  was  born  62  A.  D.  On  the 
death  of  his  father  he  was  adopted  by 
his  uncle,  the  elder  Pliny.  He  received  a  care- 
ful education,  being  a  pupil  of  the  famous 
Quintilian.  He  practiced  for  some  time  at  the 
Roman  bar,  then  entered  public  life.  After 
holding  the  offices  of  military  tribune,  quaestor, 
praetor,  and  consul,  he  was  sent  as  pro-praetop 
to  Pontica  by  the  Emperor  Trajan.  It  was  dur- 
ing his  residence  in  this  province  (102-103  A.  D.) 
that  the  most  of  the  correspondence,  from  which 
I  quote,  passed  between  him  and  the  emperor. 

The  collection  of  letters  from  which  these  are 
chosen  was  published  by  Pliny  during  his  life- 
time. In  the  first  letter  he  writes  to  Septitius 
as  follows:  *'You  have  frequently  pressed  me  to 
make  a  select  collection  of  my  letters  (if  there 
really  be  any  deserving  of  a  special  preference) 
and  give  them  to  the  public.  I  have  selected 
them  accordingly;  not,  indeed,  in  their  proper 
order  of  time,  for  I  was  not  compiling  a  history, 
but  just  as  each  came  to  hand." 

I  have  made  no  extracts  from  the  great  num- 
ber of  letters  dealing  with  Pliny's  private  life, 
but  have  confined  my  selections  to  his  cor- 
respondence as  governor  of  Pontica.  This  is 
the  best  material  that  has  yet  been  published 

(126) 


ROMAN  LIFE  UNDER  THE  EMPIRE.     127 

in  the  Studies.  Perhaps  the  next  best  material 
is  the  description  of  the  Roman  constitution  as 
given  by  Polybius.  But  there  is  a  marked  dif- 
ference between  the  histories  of  Polybius  and 
the  letters  of  Pliny;  Polybius  is  consciously 
describing  a  government  and  PUny  is  not.  The 
letters  of  Pliny  and  Trajan  are  parts  of  the 
government  machinery  and  teach  us,  by  infer- 
ence, much  that  they  did  not  intend  to  teach. 
At  the  close  of  this  study  a  most  interesting 
comparison  might  be  made  betv^^een  the  Roman 
constitution  in  the  two  phases  of  development 
shown  by  Polybius  and  Pliny. 

PLINY   TO    TRAJAN. 

I  was  greatly  obliged,  Sir,  in  my  late  illness,  to  Post- 
humius  Marinus,  my  physician;  and  I  cannot  make  him 
a  suitable  return,  but  by  the  assistance  of  your  v/onted 
gracious  indulgence.  I  entreat  you,  then,  to  make 
Chrysippus  Mithridates  and  his  wife  Stratonica  (who 
are  related  to  Marinus)  denizens  of  Rome.  I  entreat 
likewise  the  same  privilege  in  favor  of  Epigonus  and 
Mithridates,  the  two  sons  of  Chrysippus;  but  with  this 
restriction,  that  they  may  remain  under  the  dominion 
of  their  father,  and  yet  preserve  their  right  of  patron- 
age over  their  own  freedmen.  I  further  entreat  you 
to  grant  the  full  privileges  of  a  Roman  to  L.  Satrius 
Abascantius,  P.  Caesius  Phosphorus,  and  Pancharia 
Soteris.  This  request  I  make  with  the  consent  of  their 
patrons.     (Bk.  X,  Letter  X.) 

PLINY    TO    TRAJAN. 

After  your  late  sacred  father,  Sir,  had,  in  a  noble 
speech,  as  well  as  by  his  own  generous  example,  ex- 
horted and  encouraged  the  public  to  acts  of  munifi- 
cence, I  implored  his  permission  to  remove  the  several 
statues  which  I  had  of  the  former  emperors  to  my  cor- 
poration, and  at  the  same  time  requested  permission  to 
add  his  own  to  the  number.  For  as  I  had  hitherto  let 
them  remain  in  the  respective  places  in  which  they 
stood  when  they  were  left  to  me  by  several  different 
inheritances,  they  were  dispersed  in  different  parts  of 
my  estate.     He  was  pleased  to  grant  my  request,  and  at 


128  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

the  same  time  to  give  me  a  very  ample  testimony  of  his 
approbation.  I  immediately,  therefore,  wrote  to  the 
decurii,*  to  desire  they  would  allot  a  piece  of  ground, 
upon  which  I  might  build  a  temple  at  my  own  expense; 
and  they,  as  a  mark  of  honour  to  my  design,,  offered  me 
the  choice  of  any  site  I  might  think  proper.  However, 
my  own  ill-health'  in  the  first  place,  and  later  that  of 
your  father,  together  with  the  duties  of  that  employ- 
ment which  you  were  both  pleased  to  trust  me,  pre- 
vented my  proceeding  with  that  design.  But  I  have 
now,  I  think,  a  convenient  opportunity  of  making  an 
excursion  for  that  purpose,  as  my  monthly  attendance 
ends  on  the  1st  of  September,  and  there  are  several  fes- 
tivals in  the  month  following.  My  first  request,  then, 
is  that  you  would  permit  me  to  adorn  the  temple  I  am 
going  to  erect  with  your  statue,  and  next  (in  order  to 
the  execution  of  my  design  with  all  the  expedition  pos- 
sible) that  you  would  indulge  me  with  leave  of  absence. 
It  would  ill  become  the  sincerity  I  profess,  were  I  to 
dissemble  that  your  goodness  in  complying  with  this 
desire  will  at  the  same  time  be  extremely  serviceable  to 
me  in  my  own  private  affairs.  It  is  absolutely  neces- 
sary I  should  not  defer  any  longer  the  letting  of  my 
lands  in  that  province;  for,  besides  that  they  amount 
to  above  four  hundred  thousand  sesterces,  the  time  for 
dressing  the  vineyards  is  approaching,  and  that  busi- 
ness must  fall  upon  my  new  tenants.  The  unfruitful- 
ness  of  the  seasons  besides,  for  several  years  past, 
obliges  me  to  think  of  making  some  abatements  in 
my  rents;  which  I  cannot  possibly  settle  unless  I  am 
present.  I  shall  be  indebted  then  to  your  indulgence, 
Sir,  for  the  expedition  of  my  work  of  piety,  and  the 
settlement  of  my  own  private  affairs,  if  you  will  be 
pleased  to  grant  me  leave  of  absence  for  thirty  days. 
I  cannot  give  myself  a  shorter  time,  as  the  town  and 
estate  of  which  I  am  speaking  lie  above  a  hundred  and 
fifty  miles  from  Rome.     (Bk.  X,  Letter  XI.) 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  How  is  the  power  of  the  Emperor  shown  in  Letter 
X?  2.  What  would  you  think  of  Pliny,  if  you  judged 
him  from  this  letter?  3.  Enumerate  all  the  different 
classes  referred  to  in  Letter  X  and  indicate  the  rela- 
tions existing  among  them.  4.  What  two  kinds  of  fa- 
vors does  Pliny  ask  in  the  first  letter  and  which  was 

■*■  Members  of  the  senate  or  council  of  a  city. 


ROMAN    LIFE    UNDER    THE    EMPIRE.  129 

the  more  valuable?  5.  Were  these  privileges  valuable? 
6.  What  is  there  peculiar  about  Pliny's  request  touch- 
ing the  statues  (Letter  XI)?  7.  What  does  the  second 
part  of  Letter  XI  tell  us  about  the  ability  and  charac- 
ter of  Pliny? 

TRAJAN    TO    PLINY. 

You  have  given  me  many  private  reasons,  and  every 
public  one,  why  you  desire  leave  of  absence;  but  I  need 
no  other  than  that  it  is  your  desire;  and  I  doubt  not 
of  your  returning  as  soon  as  possible  to  the  duty  of  an 
office  which  so  much  requires  your  attendance.  As  I 
would  not  seem  to  check  any  instance  of  your  affection 
towards  me,  I  shall  not  oppose  your  erecting  my  statue 
in  the  place  you  desire;  though  in  general  I  am  ex- 
tremely cautious  in  giving  any  encouragement  to  hon- 
ours of  that  kind.     (Bk.  X,  Letter  XII.) 

PLINY    TO    TRAJAN. 

As  I  am  sensible,  Sir,  that  the  highest  applause  my 
actions  can  receive  is  to  be  distinguished  by  so  excel- 
lent a  prince,  I  beg  you  would  be  graciously  pleased  to 
add  either  the  office  of  augur  or  septemvir*  (both  which 
are  now  vacant)  to  the  dignity  I  already  enjoy  by  your 
indulgence;  that  I  may  have  the  satisfaction  of  pub- 
licly offering  up  those  vows  for  your  prosperity,  from 
the  duty  of  my  office,  which  I  prefer  to  the  gods  in 
private,  from  the  affection  of  my  heart.  (Bk.  X,  Let- 
ter XIII.) 

PLINY   TO    TRAJAN. 

Having  safely  passed  the  promontory  of  Malea,  I  am 
arrived  at  Ephesus  with  all  my  retinue,  notwithstand- 
ing I  was  detained  for  some  time  by  contrary  winds; 
a  piece  of  information.  Sir,  in  which,  I  trust,  you  will 
feel  yourself  concerned.  I  propose  pursuing  the  re- 
mainder of  my  journey  to  the  province  partly  in  light 
vessels,  and  partly  in  post-chaises;  for,  as  the  excessive 
heats  will  prevent  my  traveling  altogether  by  land,  so 
the  Etesianf  winds,  which  are  now  set  in,  will  not  per- 
mit me  to  proceed  entirely  by  sea.  (Bk.  X,  Letter 
XIV.) 

*Onc  of  seven  priests. 
fA  north  wind. 


130  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

PLINY    TO    TRAJAN. 

As  I  had  a  very  favorable  voyage  to  Ephesus,  so  in 
traveling  by  post-chaise  from  thence  I  was  extremely 
troubled  by  the  heat,  and  also  by  some  slight  feverish 
attacks,  which  kept  me  for  some  time  at  Pergamus. 
From  there,  Sir,  I  got  on  board  a  coasting  vessel,  but, 
being  again  detained  by  contrary  winds,  did  not  arrive 
at  Bithynia  so  soon  as  I  had  hoped.  However,  I  have 
no  reason  to  complain  of  this  delay,  since  (which,  in- 
deed, was  the  most  auspicious  circumstance  that  could 
attend  me)  I  reached  the  province  in  time  to  celebrate 
your  birthday.  I  am  at  present  engaged  in  examining 
the  finances  of  the  Prusenses,  their  expenses,  revenues, 
and  credits;  and  the  farther  I  proceed  in  this  work,  the 
more  I  am  convinced  of  the  necessity  of  my  enquiry. 
Several  large  sums  of  money  are  owing  to  the  city 
from  private  persons,  which  they  neglect  to  pay  upon 
various  pretences;  as,  on  the  other  hand,  I  find  the 
public  funds  are,  in  some  instances,  very  unwarrantly 
applied.  This,  Sir,  I  write  to  you  immediately  on  my 
arrival.  I  entered  this  province  on  the  17th  of  Sep- 
tember, and  found  in  it  that  obedience  and  loyalty 
towards  yourself  which  you  justly  merit  from  all  man- 
kind. You  will  consider,  Sir,  whether  it  would  not  be 
proper  to  ssnd  a  surveyor  here;  for  I  am  inclined  to 
think  much  might  be  deducted  from  what  is  charged  by 
those  who  have  the  conduct  of  the  public  works  if  a 
faithful  admeasurement  were  to  be  taken;  at  least  I 
am  of  that  opinion  from  what  I  have  already  seen  of 
the  accounts  of  this  city,  which  I  am  now  going  into 
as  fully  as  is  possible.     (Bk.  X,  Letter  XVI.) 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  What  idea  do  you  form  of  Trajan's  character  from 
Letter  XII?  2.  What  modern  political  feature  appeal's 
in  Letter  XIII?  3.  Trace  the  voyage  of  Piiny  (Letters 
XIV,  XV)  and  compare  the  modes  of  travel  in  his  day 
with  those  in  our  own.  4.  What  was  the  situation  of 
the  province?    5.  Was  Pliny  a  good  man  for  the  place? 

PLINY    TO    TRAJAN. 

Though  I  am  well  assured,  Sir,  that  you,  who  never 
omit  any  opportunity  of  exerting  your  generosity,  are 
not  unmindful  of  the  request  I  lately  made  to  you,  yet, 
as  you  have  often  indulged  me  in  this  manner,  give 


ROMAN    LIFE    UNDER    THE    EMPIRE.  131 

me  leave  to  remind  and  earnestly  entreat  you  to  bestow 
the  praetorship  nov/  vacant  upon  Attius  Sura.  Though 
his  ambition  is  extremely  moderate,  yet  the  quality  of 
his  birth,  the  inflexible  integrity  he  has  preserved  in 
a  very  narrow  fortune,  and,  more  than  all,  the  felicity 
of  your  times,  which  encpurages  conscious  virtue  to 
claim  your  favour,  induce  him  to  hope  he  may  experi- 
ence it  in  the  present  instance.     (Bk.  X,  Letter  XVIII.) 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  When  have  you  met  with  requests  similar  to  the 
above? 

PLINY    TO    TRAJAN. 

Your  generosity  to  me,  Sir,  was  the  occasion  of  unit- 
ing me  to  Rosianus  Geminus  by  the  strongest  ties;  for 
he  was  my  quaestor  when  I  was  consul.  His  behavior 
to  me  during  the  continuance  of  our  offices  was  highly 
respectful,  and  he  has  treated  me  ever  since  with  so 
peculiar  a  regard  that,  besides  the  many  obligations  I 
owe  him  upon  a  public  account,  I  am  indebted  to  him 
for  the  strongest  pledges  of  private  friendship.  I  en- 
treat you,  then,  to  comply  with  my  request  for  the  ad- 
vancement of  one  v/hom  (if  my  recommendation  has 
any  weight)  you  will  even  distinguish  with  your  par- 
ticular favour;  and  whatever  trust  you  shall  repose  in 
him,  he  will  endeavour  to  show  himself  still  deserving 
of  an  higher.  But  I  am  the  more  sparing  in  my  praises 
of  him,  being  persuaded  his  integrity,  his  probity,  and 
his  vigilance  are  well  known  to  you,  not  only  from 
those  high  posts  which  he  has  exercised  in  Rome  within 
your  immediate  inspection,  but  from  his  behaviour 
when  he  served  under  you  in  the  army.  One  thing, 
however,  my  affection  for  him  inclines  me  to  think, 
I  have  not  sufficiently  done;  and  therefore,  Sir,  I  re- 
peat my  entreaties  that  you  will  give  me  the  pleasure, 
as  early  as  possible,  of  rejoicing  in  the  advancement 
of  my  quaestor,  or,  in  other  words,  of  receiving  an  addi- 
tion to  my  own  honours,  in  the  person  of  my  friend. 
(Bk.  X,  Letter  XXI.) 

QUESTIONS, 

1.  What  danger  to  the  empire  lies  in  the  power  of  the 
Emperor  to  grant  requests  like  those  made  for  himself 
and  his  friends  by  Pliny? 


132  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

PLINY    TO    TRAJAN. 

I  am  informed  by  a  letter  from  the  king  of  Sarmatia 
that  there  are  certain  affairs  of  which  you  ought  to  be 
Informed  as  soon  as  possible.  In  order,  therefore,  to 
hasten  the  dispatches  which  his  courier  was  charged 
with  to  you,  I  granted  him  arf  order  to  make  use  of  the 
public  post.     (Bk.  X,  Letter  XXIV.) 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  What  was  this  "public  post"  (see  Letters  CXXI, 
CXXII)  ?  2.  Why  should  Pliny  mention  so  unimport- 
ant a  matter? 

PLINY    TO    TRAJAN. 

I  beg  your  determination,  Sir,  on  a  point  I  am  exceed- 
ingly doubtful  about:  it  is  whether  I  should  place  the 
public  slaves  as  sentries  round  the  prisons  of  the  sev- 
eral cities  of  this  province  (as  has  hitherto  been  the 
practice)  or  employ  a  party  of  soldiers  for  that  pur- 
pose? On  the  one  hand,  I  am  afraid  the  public  slaves 
will  not  attend  this  duty  with  the  fidelity  they  ought; 
and  on  the  other,  that  it  will  engage  too  large  a  body 
of  the  soldiery.  In  the  meanwhile  I  have  joined  a  few 
of  the  latter  with  the  former.  I  am  apprehensive,  how- 
ever, there  may  be  some  danger  that  this  method  will 
occasion  a  general  neglect  of  duty,  as  it  will  afford  them 
a  mutual  opportunity  of  throwing  the  blame  upon  each 
other.     (Bk.  X,  Letter  XXX.) 

TRAJAN    TO    PLINY. 

There  is  no  occasion,  my  dearest  Secundus,  to  draw 
off  any  soldiers  in  order  to  guard  the  prisons.  Let  us 
rather  persevere  in  the  ancient  customs  observed  in 
this  province  of  employing  the  slaves  for  that  purpose; 
and  the  fidelity  with  which  they  shall  execute  their 
duty  will  depend  upon  your  care  and  strict  discipline. 
It  is  greatly  to  be  feared,  as  you  observe,  if  the  soldiers 
should  be  mixed  with  the  public  slaves,  they  will 
mutually  trust  to  each  other,  and  by  that  means  grow 
so  much  the  more  negligent.  But  my  principal  objec- 
tion is  that  as  few  soldiers  as  possible  should  be  with- 
drawn from  their  standard,     (Bk.  X,  Letter  XXXI.) 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  Enumerate  all  the  evils  of  Roman  society  as  shown 
in  Letters  XXX,  XXXI.  2.  What  difference  between 
the  attitude  of  Pliny  and  that  of  Trajan? 


ROMAN    LIFE    UNDER    THE    EMPIRE.  133 

PLINY    TO    TRAJAN. 

The  Prusenses,  Sir,  having  an  ancient  bath  which 
lies  in  a  ruinous  state,  desire  your  leave  to  repair  it; 
but,  upon  examination,  I  am  of  opinion  it  ought  to  be 
rebuilt.  I  thinlt.  therefore,  you  may  indulge  them  in 
this  request,  as  there  will  be  a  sufficient  fund  for  that 
purpose,  partly  from  those  debts  which  are  due  from 
private  persons  to  the  public  which  I  am  now  collecting 
in;  and  partly  from  what  they  raise  among  themselves 
towards  furnishing  the  bath  with  o'il,  which  they  are 
willing  to  apply  to  the  carrying  on  of  this  building; 
a  work  which  the  dignity  of  the  city  and  the  splen- 
dour of  your  times  seem  to  demand.  (Bk.  X,  Letter 
XXXIV.) 

TRAJAN    TO    PLINY. 

If  the  erecting  a  public  bath  will  not  be  too  great 
a  charge  upon  the  Prusenses,  we  may  comply  with  their 
request;  provided,  however,  that  no  new  tax  be  levied 
for  this  purpose,  nor  any  of  those  taken  off  which  are 
appropriated  to  necessary  services.  (Bk.  X,  Letter 
XXXV.) 

QUESTIONS. 

L  Why  should  the  Emperor  interfere  in  such  a  mat- 
ter as  the  rebuilding  of  a  bath? 

PLINY   TO    TRAJAN. 

The  very  excellent  young  man  Sempronius  Caelianus, 
having  discovered  two  slaves  among  the  recruits,  has 
sent  them  to  me.  But  I  deferred  passing  sentence  till 
I  had  consulted  you,  the  restorer  and  upholder  of 
military  discipline,  concerning  the  punishment  proper 
to  be  inflicted  upon  them.  My  principal  doubt  is  that, 
whether,  although  they  have  taken  the  military  oath, 
they  are  yet  entered  into  any  particular  legion.  I  re- 
quest you,  therefore.  Sir,  to  inform  me  what  course  I 
shouW  pursue  in  this  affair,  especially  as  it  concerns 
example.     (Bk.  X,  Letter  XXXVIII.) 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  What  light  does  this  letter  throw  upon  the  posi- 
tion of  the  slave?    2.  Was  Pliny  a  harsh  governor? 

TRAJAN    TO    PLINY. 

You  are  of  opinion  it  would  be  proper  to  establish 


134  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

a  company  of  fire-men  in  Nicomedia,  agreeably  to  what 
has  been  practiced  in  other  cities.  But  it  is  to  be  re- 
membered that  societies  of  this  sort  have  greatly  dis- 
turbed the  peace  of  the  province  in  general,  and  of 
those  cities  in  particular.  Whatever  name  we  may 
give  them,  and  for  whatever  purposes  they  may  be 
founded,  they  will  not  fail  to  form  themselves  into 
factious  assemblies,  however  short  their  meetings  may 
be.  It  will  therefore  be  safer  to  provide  such  ma- 
chines as  are  of  service  in  extinguishing  fires,  enjoining 
the  owners  of  houses  to  assist  in  preventing  the  mis- 
chief from  spreading,  and,  if  it  should  be  necessary, 
to  call  in  the  aid  of  the  populace.  (Bk.  X,  Letter 
XLIII.) 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  Why  should  Pliny  want  to  form  a  fire  company? 
2.  Why  should  Trajan  object?  3.  Which  was  right? 
4.  Look  back  over  the  letters  and  point  out  other  cases 
where  the  imperial  point  of  view  clashed  with  the  pro- 
vincial. 

PLINY    TO    TRAJAN. 

The  citizens  of  Nicomedia,  Sir,  have  expended  three 
millions  three  hundred  and  twenty-nine  sesterces  in 
building  an  aqueduct;  but,  not  being  able  to  finish  it, 
the  works  are  entirely  falling  to  ruin.  They  made  a 
second  attempt  in  another  place,  where  they  laid  out 
two  millions.  But  this  likewise  is  discontinued;  so 
that,  after  having  been  at  an  immense  charge  to  no 
purpose,  they  must  still  be  at  a  further  expense,  in  or- 
der to  be  accommodated  with  water.  I  have  examined 
a  fine  spring  from  whence  the  water  may  be  conveyed 
over  arr-hes  (as  was  attempted  in  their  first  design)  in 
such  a  manner  that  the  higher  as  well  as  level  and 
low  parts  of  the  city  may  be  supplied.  There  are  still 
remaining  a  very  few  of  the  old  arches;  and  the  square 
stones,  however,  employed  in  the  former  building,  may 
be  used  in  turning  the  new  arches.  I  am  of  opinion 
part  should  be  raised  with  brick,  as  that  will  be  the 
easier  and  cheaper  material.  But  that  this  work  may 
not  meet  with  the  same  ill-success  as  the  former,  it 
will  be  necessary  to  send  here  an  architect,  or  some  one 
skilled  in  the  construction  of  this  kind  of  waterworks. 
And  I  will  venture  to  say,  from  the  beauty  and  useful- 
ness of  the  design,  it  will  be  an  erection  well  worthy 
the  splendour  of  your  times.     (Bk.  X,  Letter  XLVI.) 


ROMAN    LIFE    UNDER    THE    EMPIRE.  135 

TRAJAN    TO    PLINY. 

You,  who  are  upon  the  spot,  will  best  be  able  to  con- 
sider and  determine  what  is  proper  to  be  done  con- 
cerning the  theatre  which  the  inhabitants  of  Nicea  are 
building;  as  for  myself,  it  will  be  sufficient  if  you  let 
me  know  your  determination.  With  respect  to  the 
particular  parts  of  this  theatre  which  are  to  be  raised 
at  a  private  charge,  you  will  see  those  engagements 
fulfilled  when  the  body  of  the  building  to  which  they 
are  to  be  annexed  shall  be  finished.  These  paltry 
Greeks  are,  I  know,  immoderately  fond  of  gymnastic 
diversions,  and  therefore,  perhaps,  the  citizens  of  Nicea 
have  planned  a  more  magnificent  building  for  this 
purpose  than  is  necessary;  however,  they  must  be 
content  with  such  as  will  be  sufficient  to  answer  the 
purpose  for  which  it  is  intended.  I  leave  it  entirely  to 
you  to  persuade  the  Claudiopolitani  as  you  shall  think 
proper  with  regard  to  their  bath,  which  they  have 
placed,  it  seems,  in  a  very  improper  situation.  As 
there  is  no  province  that  is  not  furnished  with  men  of 
skill  and  ingenuity,  you  cannot  possibly  want  archi- 
tects; unless  you  think  it  the  shortest  way  to  procure 
them  from  Rome,  when  it  is  generally  from  Greece 
that  they  come  to  us.     (Bk.  X,  Letter  XLIX.) 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  What  good  judgment  does  Trajan  show  in  Letters 
XLVI,  XLIX?  2.  What  is  Trajan's  opinion  of  the 
Greek?    3.  What  is  the  influence  of  Greece  upon  Rome? 

PLINY   TO    TRAJAN. 

Upon  examining  into  the  public  expenses  of  the  city 
of  Byzantium,  which,  I  find,  are  extremely  great,  I  was 
informed,  Sir,  that  the  appointments  of  the  ambassador 
whom  they  send  yearly  to  you  with  their  homage,  and 
the  decree  which  passes  in  the  senate  upon  that  occa- 
sion, amount  to  twelve  thousand  sesterces.  But  know- 
ing the  generous  maxims  of  your  government,  I  thought 
proper  to  send  the  decree  without  the  ambassador, 
that,  at  the  same  time  they  discharged  their  public 
duty  to  you,  their  expense  incurrred  in  the  manner  of 
paying  it  might  be  lightened.  This  city  is  likewise 
taxed  with  the  sum  of  three  thousand  sesterces  towards 
defraying  the  expense  of  an  envoy,  whom  they  annually 
11 


136  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

send  to  compliment  the  governor  of  Moesia;  this  ex- 
pense I  have  also  directed  to  be  spared.  I  beg,  Sir,  you 
would  deign  either  to  confirm  my  judgment  or  correct 
my  error  in  these  points,  by  acquainting  me  with  your 
sentiments.     (Bk.  X,  Letter  LII.) 

TRAJAN    TO    PLINY. 

I  entirely  approve,  my  dearest  Secundus,  of  your  hav- 
ing excused  the  Byzantines  that  expense  of  twelve 
thousand  sesterces  in  sending  an  ambassador  to  me.  I 
shall  esteem  their  duty  as  svifficiently  paid,  though  I 
only  receive  the  act  of  their  senate  through  your  hands. 
The  governor  of  Moesia  must  likewise  excuse  them  if 
they  compliment  him  at  a  less  expense.  (Bk.  X,  Let- 
ter LIII.) 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  Wha*  proof  do  you  find  in  letters  LII,  LIII,  that 
Trajan  realized  that  it  was  his  business  to  think  of 
the  people's  welfare  rather  than  his  own  glory? 

PLINY    TO    TRAJAN. 

Upon  intimating.  Sir,  my  intention  to  the  city  of 
Apamea  of  examining  into  the  state  of  their  public 
due*?,  their  revenue,  and  expenses,  they  told  me  they 
wcTe  all  extremely  willing  I  should  inspect  their  ac- 
counts, but  that  no  proconsul  had  ever  yet  looked 
them  over,  as  they  had  a  privilege  (and  that  of  a 
very  ancient  date)  of  administering  the  affairs  of  their 
corporation  in  the  manner  they  thought  proper.  I 
required  them  to  draw  up  a  memorial  of  what  they 
then  asserted,  which  I  transmit  to  you  precisely  as  I 
received  it;  though  I  am  sensible  it  contains  several 
things  foreign  to  the  question.  I  beg  you  will  deign 
to  instruct  me  as  to  how  I  am  to  act  in  this  affair,  for 
I  should  be  extremely  sorry  either  to  exceed  or  fall 
short  of  the  duties  of  my  commission.  (Bk.  X,  Letter 
LVI.) 

TRAJAN    TO    PLINY. 

The  memorial  of  the  Apameans  annexed  to  your 
letter  has  saved  me  the  necessity  of  considering  the 
reasons  they  suggest  why  the  former  proconsuls  fore- 
bore  to  inspect  their  accounts,  since  they  are  willing 
to  sumbit  them  to  your  examination.  Their  honest 
compliance  deserves  to  be  rewarded;    and  they  may  be 


ItOMAN    LIFE    UNDER    THE    EMPIRE.  137 

assured  the  inquiry  you  are  to  make  in  pursuance  of 
my  orders  shall  be  with  a  full  reserve  to  their  priv- 
ileges.    (Bk.  X,  Letter  LVII.) 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  Were  all  cities  absolutely  subject  to  Rome?  2. 
Was  Trajan  jealous  of  his  imperial  rights? 

PLINY    TO    TRAJAN. 

The  debts  which  were  owing  to  the  public  are,  by 
the  prudence,  Sir,  of  your  counsels,  and  the  care  of  my 
administration,  either  actually  paid  in  or  now  being 
collected;  but  I  am  afraid  the  money  must  lie  unem- 
ployed. For  as  on  one  side  there  are  few  or  no 
opportunities  of  purchasing  land,  so,  on  the  other,  one 
cannot  meet  with  any  person  who  is  willing  to  borrow 
of  the  public  (especially  at  12  per  cent,  interest)  when 
they  can  raise  money  upon  the  same  terms  from 
private  sources.  You  will  consider,  then.  Sir,  whether 
it  may  not  be  advisable,  in  order  to  invite  Yespousible 
persons  to  take  this  money,  to  lower  the  interest;  or 
if  that  scheme  should  not  succeed,  to  place  it  in  the 
hands  of  the  decurii,  upon  their  giving  sufficient  se- 
curity to  the  public.  And  though  they  should  not  be 
willing  to  receive  it,  yet  as  the  rate  of  interest  will  be 
diminished,  the  hardship  will  be  so  much  the  less. 
(Bk.  X,  Letter  LXII.) 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  What  unwise  policy  was  the  government  follow- 
ing in  Pliny's  province?  2.  What  does  Pliny's  letter 
tell  us  about  the  condition  of  the  province? 

TRAJAN    TO    PLINY. 

I  agree  with  you,  my  dear  Pliny,  that  there  seems 
to  be  no  other  method  of  facilitating  the  placing  out 
of  the  public  money  than  by  lowering  the  interest; 
the  measure  of  which  you  will  determine  according  to 
the  number  of  the  borrowers.  But  to  compel  persons 
to  receive  it  who  are  not  disposed  to  do  so,  when  pos- 
sibly they  themselves  may  have  no  opportunity  of 
employing  it,  is,  by  no  means,  consistent  with  the 
justice  of  my  government.  (Bk.  X,  Letter  LXIIL) 
QUESTIONS. 

1.  Why  would  Pliny's  plan  have  worked  an  injus- 
tice to  the  decurii? 


138  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

PLINY    TO    TRAJAN. 

A  very  considerable  Question,  Sir,  in  which  the 
whole  province  is  interested,  has  been  lately  started 
concerning  the  state  and  maintenance  of  deserted  chil- 
dren. I  have  examined  the  constitutions  of  former 
princes  upon  this  head,  but  not  finding  anything  in 
them  relating,  either  in  general  or  particular,  to  the 
Bithj'nians,  I  thought  it  necessary  to  apply  to  you  for 
your  directions;  for  in  a  point  which  seems  to  require 
the  special  interposition  of  your  authority,  I  could  not 
content  myself  with  following  precedents.  An  edict 
of  the  emperor  Augustus  (as  pretended)  was  read  to 
me  concerning  one  Annia;  as  also  a  letter  from  Ves- 
pasian to  the  Lacedaemonians,  and  another  from  Titus 
to  the  same,  with  one  likewise  from  him  to  the 
Achaeans,  also  some  letters  from  Domitian,  directed  to 
the  proconsuls  Avidius  Nigrimus  and  Armenius  Broc- 
chus,  together  with  one  fi'om  that  prince  to  the  Lace- 
daemonians'; but  I  have  not  transmitted  them  to  you, 
as  they  were  not  correct  (and  some  of  them,  too,  of 
doubtful  authenticity),  and  also  because  I  imagine  the 
true  copies  are  preserved  in  your  archives.  (Bk.  X, 
Letter  LXXI.) 

TRAJAN  TO  PLINY. 
The  question  concerning  children  who  were  exposed 
by  their  parents,  and  afterwards  preserved  by  others, 
and  educated  in  a  state  of  servitude,  though  born  free, 
has  been  frequently  discussed;  but  I  do  not  find  in 
the  constitutions  of  the  princes,  my  predecessors,  any 
general  regulation  upon  this  head  extending  to  all  the 
provinces.  There  are,  indeed,  some  rescripts  of  Do- 
mitian to  Avidius  Nigrinus  and  Armenius  Brocchus 
which  ought  to  be  observed,  but  Bithynia  is  not  com- 
prehended in  the  provinces  therein  mentioned.  I  am 
of  opinion,  therefore,  that  the  claims  of  those  who 
assert  their  right  of  freedom  upon  this  footing  should 
be  allowed,  without  obliging  them  to  purchase  thair 
liberty  by  repaying  the  money  advanced  for  their 
maintenance.     (Bk.   X,  Letter  LXXII.) 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  What  source  material,  that  has  been  lost  to  us, 
is  mentioned  in  the  above  letters?  2.  Was  Trajan's 
decision  in  this  matter  a  wise  one?  3.  Is  modern  so- 
ciety, in  this  respect,  better  or  worse  than  Homan 
society? 


ROMAN    LIFE    UNDEU    THE    EMPIRE.  139 

TLIXY    TO    TRAJAN. 

Julius  Largus,  of  Pontus  (a  person  whom  I  never 
saw,  nor,  indeed,  ever  heard  his  name  till  lately),  in 
confidence,  Sir,  of  your  distinguishing  judgment  in 
my  favor,  has  entrusted  me  with  the  execution  of  the 
last  instance  of  his  loyalty  towards  you.  He  has  left 
me,  by  his  will,  his  estate  upon  trust,  in  the  first  place 
to  receive  out  of  it  fifty  thousand  sesterces*  for  my 
own  use,  and  to  apply  the  remainder  for  the  benefit  of 
the  cities  of  Heraclea  and  Tios,  either  -  by  erecting 
some  public  edifice  dedicated  to  your  honor  or  insti- 
tuting athletic  games,  according  as  I  shall  judge 
proper.  These  games  are  to  be  celebrated  every  five 
years,  and  to  be  called  Trojan's  games.  My  princi- 
ple reason  for  acquainting  you  with  this  bequest  is 
that  I  may  receive  your  directions  which  of  the  re- 
spective alternatives  to  choose.  (Bk.  X,  Letter 
LXXIX.) 

TRAJAN    TO    PLINY. 

By  the  prudent  choice  Julius  Largus  has  made  of  a 
trustee,  one  would  imagine  he  had  known  you  per- 
fectly well.  You  will  consider,  then,  what  will  most 
tend  to  perpetuate  his  memory,  uftder  the  circum- 
stances of  the  respective  cities,  and  make  your  option 
accordingly.     (Bk.  X,   Letter  LXXX.) 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  Was  public  spirit  entirely  lacking  in  Pliny's  day? 

2.  Was  Pliny  worthy  of  the  confidence  placed  in  him? 

3.  Was  it  a  personal  or  official  confidence? 

TRAJAN    TO    PLINY. 

You  well  know,  my  dearest  Secundus,  that  it  is  my 
standing  maxim  not  to  create  an  awe  of  my  person  by 
severe  and  rigorous  measures,  and  by  construing  every 
slight  offence  into  an  art  of  treason;  you  had  no 
reason,  therefore,  to  hesitate  a  moment  upon  the 
poinJ;  concerning  which  you  thought  proper  to  consult 
me.  Without  entering,  therefore,  into  the  merits  of 
that  question  (to  which  I  would  by  no  means  give  any 
attention,  though  there  were  ever  so  many  instances 
of  the  same  kind),  I  recommend  to  your  care  the  ex- 
amination of  Dion's   accounts  relating  to   the   public 

*  SeBtertius,  about  three  cents  aud  a  half. 


140  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

works  which  he  has  finished,  as  it  is  a  case  in  which 
the   interest   of  the   city    is   concerned,   and   as   Dion 
neither  ought  nor,  it  seems,  does,  refuse  to  submit  to 
the  examination.     (Bk.  X,  Letter  LXXXVI.) 
QUESTIONS. 

1.  What  excellent  trait  does  Trajan  show  in  this 
letter?  2.  How  does  he  show  his  executive  ability  in 
his  attitude   toward  Pliny? 

PLINY    TO    TRAJAN. 

The  free  and  confederate  city  of  the  Amiseni  enjoys, 
by  your  indulgence,  the  privilege  of  its  own  laws.  A 
memorial  being  presented  to  me  there,  concerning  a 
charitable  institution,  I  have  subjoined  it  to  this  letter 
that  you  may  consider,  Sir,  whether,  and  how  far,  this 
society  ought  to  be  licensed  or  prohibited.  (Bk.  X, 
Letter  XCIII.) 

TRAJAN    TO    PLINY. 

If  the  petition  of  the  Amiseni  which  you  have  trans- 
mitted to  me,  concerning  the  establishment  of  a 
charitable  society,  be  agreeable  to  their  own  laws, 
which  by  the  articles  of  alliance  it  is  stipulated  they 
shall  enjoy,  I  sl;^all  not  oppose  it,  especially  if  these 
contributions  are  employed,  not  for  the  purchase  ot 
riot  and  faction,  but  for  the  support  of  the  indigent. 
In  other  cities,  however,  which  are  subject  to  our  laws, 
I  would  have  all  assemblies  of  this  nature  prohibited. 
(Bk.  X,  Letter  XCIV.) 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  Of  what  previous  correspondence  are  you  re- 
minded by  these  two  letters?  2.  What  relation  evi- 
dently existed  between  the  Amiseni  and  the  Empire? 
3.  To  what  extent  was  the  city  free? 

PLINY   TO    TRAJAN. 

It  is  my  invariable  rule.  Sir,  to  refer  to  you  in  all 
matters  where  I  feel  doubtful;  for  who  is  more  capable 
of  removing  my  scruples  or  informing  my  ignorance? 
Having  never  been  present  at  any  trials  concerning 
those  who  profess  Christianity,  I  am  unacquainted  not 
only  with  the  nature  of  their  crimes  or  the  measure  ot 
their  punishment,  but  how  far  it  is  proper  to  enter 
into  an  examination  concerning  them.  Whether, 
therefore,  any  difference  is  usually  made  with  respect 


ROMAN    LIFE    UNDER   THE    EMPIRE.  141 

to  ages,  or  no  distinction  is  to  be  observed  between 
the  young  and  the  adult;  whether  repentance  entitles 
them  to  a  pardon,  or  if  a  man  has  once  been  a  Chris- 
tian it  avails  nothing  to  desist  from  his  error;  whether 
the  very  profession  of  Christianity,  unattended  with 
any  criminal  act,  or  only  the  crimes  themselves  inher- 
ent in  the  profession  are  punishable;  on  all  these 
points  I  am  in  great  doubt.  In  the  meanwhile  the 
method  I  have  observed  towards  those  who  have  been 
brought  before  me  as  Christians  is  this:  I  asked  them 
whether  they  were  Christians;  if  they  admitted  it  I 
repeated  the  question  twice,  and  threatened  them  with 
punishment;  if  they  persisted,  I  ordered  them  to  be  at 
once  punished;  for  I  was  persuaded,  whatever  the  na- 
ture of  their  opinions  might  be,  a  contumacious  and 
inflexible  obstinacy  certainly  deserved  correction. 
There  were  others  also  brought  before  me  possessed 
with  the  same  infatuation,  but,  being  Roman  citizens, 
I  diriected  them  to  be  sent  to  Rome.  But  this  crime 
spreading  (as  is  usually  the  case)  while  it  was 
actually  under  prosecution,  several  instances  of  the 
same  nature  occurred.  An  anonymous  information 
was  laid  before  me  containing  a  charge  against  several 
persons,  who,  upon  examination,  denied  they  were 
Christians,  or  had  ever  been  so.  They  repeated  after 
me  an  invocation  to  the  gods  and  offered  religious 
rites  with  wine  and  incense  before  your  statue  (which 
for  that  purpose  I  had  ordered  to  be  brought,  to- 
gether with  those  of  the  gods),  and  even  reviled  the 
name  of  Christ;  whereas  there  is  no  forcing,  it  is 
said,  those  who  are  really  Christians  into  any  of  these 
compliances;  I  thought  it  proper,  therefore,  to  dis- 
charge them.  Some  among  those  who  were  accused 
by  a  witness  in  person  at  first  confessed  themseves 
Christians,  but  immediately  after  denied  it;  the  rest 
owned,  indeed,  that  they  had  been  of  that  number 
formerly,  but  had  now  (some  above  three,  others 
more,  and  a  few  above  twenty  years  ago)  renounced 
that  error.  They  all  worshipped  your  statue  and  the 
images  of  the  gods,  uttering  imprecations  at  the  same 
time  against  the  name  of  Christ.  They  affirmed  the 
whole  of  their  guilt,  or  their  error,  was,  that  they  met 
on  a  stated  day  before  it  was  light  and  addressed  a 
form   of  prayer  to  Christ,   as  to  a  divinity,   binding 


142  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

themselves  by  a  solemn  oath,  not  for  the  purposes  of 
any  wicked  design,  but  never  to  commit  any  fraud, 
theft,  or  adultery,  never  to  falsify  their  word,  nor 
deny  a  trust  when  they  should  be  called  upon  to  de- 
liver it  up;  after  which  it  was  their  custom  to  separ- 
ate, and  then  reassemble,  to  eat  in  common  a  harm- 
less meal.  From  this  custom,  however,  they  desisted 
after  the  publication  of  my  edict,  by  which,  according 
to  your  commands,  I  foi'bade  the  meeting  of  any  as- 
sembly. After  receiving  this  account,  I  judged  it  so 
much  the  more  necessary  to  endeavor  to  extort  the 
real  truth  by  putting  two  female  slaves  to  the  torture 
who  were  said  to  officiate  in  their  religious  rites,  but 
all  I  could  discover  was  evidence  of  an  absurd  and 
extravagant  superstition.  I  deemed  it  expedient, 
therefore,  to  adjourn  all  further  proceedings  in  order 
to  consult  you.  For  it  appears  to  be  a  matter  highly 
deserving  your  consideration,  more  especially  as  great 
numbers  must  be  involved  in  the  danger  of  these  pros- 
ecutions, which  have  already  extended,  and  are  still 
likely  to  extend,  to  persons  of  all  ranks  and  ages,  and 
even  of  both  sexes.  In  fact,  this  contagious  supersti- 
tion is  not  confined  to  the  cities  only,  but  has  spread 
its  infection  among  the  neighbouring  villages  and 
country.  Nevertheless,  it  still  seems  possible  to  re- 
strain its  progress.  The  temples,  at  least,  which  were 
once  almost  deserted,  begin  now  to  be  frequented;  and 
the  sacred  cities,  after  a  long  intermission,  are  again 
revived;  while  there  is  a  general  demand  for  the  vic- 
tims, which  till  lately  found  very  few  purchasers. 
From  all  this  it  is  easy  to  conjecture  what  numbers 
might  be  reclaimed  if  a  general  pardon  were  granted 
to  those  who  shall  repent  of  their  error.  (Bk.  X,  Let- 
ter XCVII.) 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  Why    did    Pliny    interfere    with    the    Christians? 

2.  Have  you  found  something  similar  iii  other  letters? 

3.  What  does  he  think  of  their  belief?  4.  Of  their 
faithfulness?  5.  How  general  is  the  belief?  6.  Why 
did  he  not  punish  them?  7.  What  was  his  plan  of 
treatment?    8.  Why  did  he  think  it  would  succeed? 

TRAJAN    TO    PLINY. 

You  have  adopted  the  right  course,  my  dearest  Se- 
cundus,  in  investigating  the  charges  against  the  Chris- 


ROMAN    LIFE    UNDER    THE    EMPIRE.  143 

tians  who  were  brought  before  you.  It  is  not  possible 
to  lay  down  any  general  rule  for  all  such  cases.  Do 
not  go  out  of  your  way  to  look  for  them.  If,  indeed, 
they  should  be  brought  before  you,  and  the  crime  is 
proved,  they  must  be  punished;  with  the  restriction, 
however,  that  where  the  party  denies  he  is  a  Chris- 
tian, and  shall  make  it  evident  that  he  is  not  by  in- 
voking our  gods,  let  him  (notwithstanding  any  former 
suspicion)  be  pardoned  upon  his  repentance.  Anony- 
mous informations  ought  not  to  be  received  in  any 
soi't  of  prosecution.  It  is  introducing  a  very  danger- 
ous precedent,  and  is  quite  foreign  to  the  spirit  of  our 
age.     (Bk.  X,  Letter  XCVIII.) 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  What  do  you  think  of  the  attitude  of  Trajan 
toward  the  Christians? 

TLINY    TO    TRAJAN. 

I  have  hitherto  never.  Sir,  granted  an  order  for  post- 
chaises  to  any  person  or  upon  any  occasion,  but  in 
affairs  that  relate  to  your  administration.  I  find  my- 
self, however,  at  present  under  a  sort  of  necessity  of 
breaking  through  this  fixed  rule.  My  wife,  having 
received  an  account  of  her  grandfather's  death,  and 
being  desirous  to  wait  upon  her  aunt  with  all  possible 
expedition,  I  thought  it  would  be  unkind  to  deny  her 
the  use  of  this  privilege,  as  the  grace  of  so  tender  an 
office  consists  in  the  early  discharge  of  it,  and  as  I 
well  knew  a  journey  which  was  founded  in  fiiial  piety- 
could  not  fail  of  your  approbation.  I  should  think 
myself  highly  ungrateful,  therefore,  were  I  not  to  ac- 
knowledge that,  among  other  great  obligations  which 
I  owe  to  your  indulgence,  I  have  this  in  particular, 
that,  in  confidence  of  your  favor,  I  have  ventured  to 
do,  without  consulting  you,  what  would  have  been 
too  late  had  I  waited  for  your  consent.  (Bk.  X,  Letter 
CXXI.) 

TRA.IAX    TO    PLINY. 

You  did  me  justice,  my  dearest  Secundus,  in  confid- 
ing in  my  affection  towards  you.  Without  doubt,  if 
you  had  waited  for  my  consent  to  forward  your  wife 
in  her  journey  by  means  of  those  warrants  which  I 
have  entrusted  to  your  care,  the  use  of  them  would 


144  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

not  have  answered  your  purpose;  since  it  was  proper 
this  visit  to  her  aunt  should  have  the  additional 
recommendation  of  being  paid  with  all  possible  expedi- 
tion.    (Bk.  X,  Letter  CXXII.) 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  What  kind  of  a  relation  is  shown  by  these  letters 
to  have  existed  between  Trajan  and  Pliny?  2.  What 
have  you  seen  that  indicates  to  you  that  Trajan  was 
really  a  great  ruler?  3.  Make  an  outline  upon  the 
political  condition  of  a  Roman  province  as  shown  by 
Pliny's  Letters.  4.  How  did  it  differ  from  the  situa- 
tion under  the  Republic? 


ROMAN  LAW. 


(145) 


CHAPTER  X. 


KOMAN  LAW. 

Imperatoris  lustiniani  Institutioniim,  Libri 
Quattuor,  with  Introductions!,  Commen- 
tary, Excursus,  and  Translation  by  J.  B. 
Moyle,  B.  C.  L.,  M.  A.  Vol.  II.  Transla- 
tion.    Oxford  (Clarendon  Press),  1883. 

;ANKE  asserts  (Weltgeschichte,  IX,  part 
2,  p.  26)  that  the  Roman  Law  was  the 
greatest  product  of  the  Roman  Empire. 
It  is,  then,  fitting  that  these  studies  should 
close  with  extracts  from  the  handbook  on 
Roman  Law,  composed  in  the  time  of  Justinian, 
showing  the  law  in  its  latest  form  and  known 
as  the  Institutes  of  Justinian. 

What  the  Roman  Law  did  for  civilization  can- 
not be  learned  from  a  simple  study  of  the  Law. 
We  must  understand  that  before  the  Roman 
lawyers*  had  stripped  the  laws  of  their  local 
characteristics  there  did  not  exist  a  body  of 
laws  applicable  to  all  civilized  peoples.  The 
recognition  of  the  fact  that  there  are  common 
principles  underlying  all  law  was  a  tremendous 
step  in  the  direction  of  human  unity. 

The  influence  of  Roman  Law  upon  later  legal 
development  it  would  be  hard  to  ovcn'estimate. 
Throughout  the  universities  of  the  continent  to- 
day the  students  of  law  employ  the  Latin 
Institutes,  together  with  the  Codes  and  Digest, 
as  in  the  time  of  Justinian. 

Before  the  time  of  Justinian  (527  A.  D.)  (here 
had  been  three  noteworthy  attempts  at  codi- 
fication: Codex  Gregorianus,  "a  collection 
(146) 


ROMAN    LAW.  147 

mainly  of  rescripts  issued  from  the  time,  proba- 
bly, of  Hadrian  up  to  A.  D.  281,  and  principally 
rescripts  of  Septimius  Severus  and  the  em- 
perors who  succeeded  him"  (date  about  300  A. 
D.);  Codex  Hermogenianus,  "which  may  be  re- 
garded as  an  appendix  to  the  foregoing"  (date 
probably  between  365  and  398  A.  D.);  Codex 
Theodosianus  (promulgated  Februarj-,  435  A. 
D.  by  Theodosius  II.),  consisting  ''of  sixteen 
books,  arranged  separately  in  titles  and  rubrics, 
and  the  constitutions  in  each  title  were  placed 
in  chronological  order." 

The  final  codification  took  place  in  the  time 
of  Justinian. 

The  first  work  was  to  make  a  single  code  out 
of  all  the  codes  previously  issued,  together  with 
the  imperial  constitutions  that  had  appeared 
since  439  A.  D.  The  task  was  undertaken  by 
a  commission  of  ten  persons  and  in  April,  520 
A.  D.,  the  work  was  published  with  the  name 
Codex  Justinianeus.  The  older  codices  were 
deprived  of  validity. 

The  second  work  prepared  was  the  Pandectae, 
or  Digest,  so  called  because  it  consisted  of  a 
digest  of  the  works  of  thirty-eight  of  the  most 
distinguished  jurists  in  Roman  history.  About 
one-twentieth  part  of  the  material  examined 
went  into  the  new  work,  that  consisted  of  fifty 
books  or  chapters. 

These  large  works  were  not  suited  to  el- 
ementary instruction  in  law;  a  text  book  was 
necessary.  A  committee  of  three  men  was  ap- 
pointed to  produce  this  work.  The  result  of 
their  labors  was  the  Institutes  from  which  our 
extracts  are  taken. 

BOOK  I. 

Title  I. 

OP  JUSTICE  AND   LAW. 
.Justice  is  the  set  and  constant  purpose  wbicli  gives 
to  every  man  his  due.    Jurisprudence  is  the  knowledge 


148  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

of  things  divine  and  human,  the  science  of  the  just 
and  the  unjust. 

Having  laid  down  these  general  definitions,  and  cur 
object  being  the  exposition  of  the  law  of  the  Roman 
people,  we  think  that  the  most  advantageous  plan  will 
be  to  commence  with  an  easy  and  simple  path,  and  then 
to  proceed  to  details  with  a  most  careful  and  scrupu- 
lous exactness  of  interpretation.  Otherwise,  if  we  be- 
gin by  burdening  the  student's  memory,  as  yet  weak 
and  untrained,  with  a  multitude  and  variety  of  matters, 
one  of  two  things  will  happen:  we  shall  either  cause 
him  wholly  to  desert  the  study  of  law,  or  else  we  shall 
bring  him  at  last,  after  great  labor,  and  often,  too, 
distrustful  of  his  own  powers  (the  commonest  cause, 
among  the  young,  of  ill  success),  to  a  point  which  he 
might  have  reached  earlier,  without  such  labor  and 
confident  in  himself,  had  he  been  led  along  a  smoother 
path. 

The  precepts  of  the  lav/  are  these:  to  live  honestly, 
to  injure  no  one,  and  to  give  every  man  his  due.  The 
study  of  law  consists  of  two  branches,  law  public,  and 
law  private.  The  former  relates  to  the  welfare  of  the 
Roman  state;  the  latter  to  the  advantage  of  the  in- 
dividual citizen.  Of  private  law  then  we  may  say 
that  it  is  of  threefold  origin,  being  collected  from  the 
precepts  of  nature,  from  those  of  the  law  of  nations,  or 
from  those  of  the  civil  law  of  Rome. 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  For  whom  were  the  Institutes  evidently  written? 
2.  What  criticism  would  you  make  upon  the  definition 
of  jurisprudence?  3.  Who  were  the  "Roman  people" 
to  whom  the  text  refers?  4.  What  terms  do  we  use 
to-day  as  equivalent  to  "law  public  and  law  private"? 

Title  II. 

OF  THE  LAW  OF  NATURE,  THE  LAW  OF  NATIONS, 
AND  THE  CIVIL  LAW. 

The  law  of  nature  is  that  which  she  has  taught  all 
animals;  a  law  not  peculiar  to  the  human  race,  but 
shared  by  all  living  creatures,  whether  denizens  of  the 
air,  the  dry  land,  or  the  sea.  Hence  comes  the  union 
of  male  and  female,  which  we  call  marriage;  hence 
the  procreation  and  rearing  of  children,  for  this  is  a 
law  in  the  knowledge  of  which  we  see  even  the  lower 


ROMAN    LAW.  149 

animals  taking  pleasure.  The  civil  law  of  Rome,  and 
the  law  of  all  nations,  are  thus  distinguished.  The 
laws  of  every  people  governed  by  statutes  and  customs 
are  partly  peculiar  to  itself,  partly  common  to  all  man- 
kind. Those  rules  which  a  state  enacts  for  its  own 
members  are  peculiar  to  itself,  and  are  called  civil  law: 
those  rules  prescribed  by  natural  reason  for  all  men 
are  observed  by  all  peoples  alike,  and  are  called  the  law 
of  nations.  Thus  the  laws  of  the  Roman  people  are 
partly  peculiar  to  itself,  partly  common  to  all  nations; 
a  distinction  of  which  we  shall  take  notice  as  occasion 
offers.  Civil  law  takes  its  name  from  the  state 
wherein  it  binds;  for  instance,  the  civil  law  of  Athens, 
it  being  quite  correct  to  speak  thus  of  the  enactments 
of  Solon  or  Draco.  So  too  we  call  the  law  observed 
by  the  Roman  people  the  civil  law  of  the  Romans,  or 
the  law  of  the  Quirites;  the  law,  that  is  to  say,  which 
they  observe,  the  Romans  being  called  Quirites  after 
Quirinus.  Whenever  we  speak,  however,  of  civil  law, 
without  any  qualification,  we  mean  our  own;  ex- 
actly as,  when  'the  poet'  is  spoken  of,  without  addi- 
tion or  qualification,  the  Greeks  understand  the  great 
Homer,  and  we  understand  Vergil.  But  the  law  of 
nations  is  common  to  the  whole  human  race;  for 
nations  have  settled  certain  things  for  themselves  as 
occasion  and  the  necessities  of  human  life  required. 
For  instance,  wars  arose,  and  then  followed  captivity 
and  slavery,  which  are  contrary  to  the  law  of  nature; 
for  by  the  law  of  nature  all  men  from  the  beginning 
were  born  free.  The  law  of  nations  again  is  the  source 
of  almost  all  contracts;  for  instance,  sale,  hire,  partner- 
ship, deposit,  loan  for  consumption,  and  very  many 
others. 

Our  law  is  partly  written,  partly  unwritten,  as 
among  the  Greeks.  The  written  law  consists  of  stat- 
utes, plebiscites,  senatusconsults,  enactments  of  the 
Emperors,  edicts  of  the  magistrates,  and  answers  of 
those  learned  in  the  law.  A  statute  is  an  enactment  of 
the  Roman  people,  which  it  was  wont  to  make  on  the 
motion  of  a  senatorial  magistrate,  as  for  instance  a 
consul.  A  plebiscite  is  an  enactment  of  commonalty, 
such  as  was  made  on  the  motion  of  one  of  their  own 
magistrates,  as  a  tribune.  The  commonalty  differs 
from  the  people  as  a  species  from  its  genus;   for  'the 


150  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

people'  includes  the  whole  aggregate  of  citizens,  among 
them  patricians  and  senators,  while  the  term  'com- 
monalty' embraces  only  such  citizens  as  are  not  pa- 
tricians or  senators.  After  the  passing  however  of 
the  statute  called  the  lex  Hortensia,  plebiscites  ac- 
quired for  the  first  time  the  force  of  statutes.  A"sen- 
atusconsult  is  a  command  and  ordinance  of  the  sen- 
ate, for  when  the  Roman  people  had  been  so  increased 
that  it  was  difiicult  to  assemble  it  together  for  the 
purpose  of  creating  statutes,  it  seemed  right  that  the 
senate  should  be  consulted  instead  of  the  psople. 
Again,  what  the  Emperor  determines  has  the  force  of 
a  statute,  the  people  having  conferred  on  him  all  their 
authority  and  power  by  the  lex  rcgia,  which  was  passed 
concerning  his  office  and  authority.  Consequently, 
whatever  the  Emperor  settles  by  rescript,  or  decides 
in  his  judicial  capacity,  or  ordains  by  edicts,  is  clearly 
a  statute:  and  these  are  what  are  called  constitutions. 
Some  of  these  of  course  are  personal,  and  not  to  be 
followed  as  precedents,  since  this  is  not  the  Emperor's 
will;  for  a  favour  bestowed  on  individual  merit,  or  a 
penalty  inflicted  for  individual  wrongdoing,  or  relief 
given  without  a  precedent,  do  not  go  beyond  the  par- 
ticular person:  though  others  are  general,  and  bind  all 
beyond  a  doubt.  The  edicts  of  the  praetors  too  have 
no  small  legal  authority,  and  these  we  are  used  to  call 
the  jus  lionoranum,  because  those  who  occupy  posts 
of  honour  in  the  state,  in  other  words  the  magistrates, 
have  given  authority  to  this  branch  of  law.  The  curule 
aediles  also  used  to  issue  an  edict  relating  to  certain 
matters,  which  forms  part  of  the  jus  honorarium. 
The  answers  of  those  learned  in  the  law  are  the  opin- 
ions and  views  of  persons  authorised  to  determine 
and  expound  the  law;  for  it  was  of  old  provided  that 
certain  persons  should  publicly  interpret  the  laws,  who 
were  called  jurisconsults,  and  whom  the  Emperor  priv- 
ileged to  give  formal  answers.  If  they  were  unanimous 
the  judge  was  forbidden  by  imperial  constitution  to 
depart  from  their  opinion,  so  great  was  its  authority. 
The  unwritten  law  is  that  which  usage  has  approved: 
for  ancient  customs,  when  approved  by  consent  of  those 
who  follow  them,  are  like  statute.  And  this  division 
of  the  civil  law  into  two  kinds  seems  not  inappropriate, 
for  it  appears  to  have  originated  in  the  institutions  of 


ROMAN    LAW.  151 

two  states,  namely  Athens  and  Lacedaemon;  it  having 
lieen  usual  in  the  latter  to  commit  to  memory  what  was 
observed  as  law,  while  the  Athenians  observed  only 
what  they  had  expressed  in  written  statutes. 

But  the  laws  of  nature,  which  are  observed  by  all 
nations  alike,  are  established,  as  it  were,  by  divine 
providence,  and  remain  ever  fixed  and  immutable:  but 
the  municipal  laws  of  each  individual  state  are  subject 
to  frequent  change,  either  by  the  tacit  consent  of  the 
people,  or  by  the  subsequent  enactment  of  another 
statute.  The  whole  of  the  law  which  we  observe  re- 
lates either  to  persons,  or  to  things,  or  to  actions.  And 
first  let  us  speak  of  persons:  for  it  is  useless  to  know 
the  law  without  knowing  the  persons  for  whose  sake 
it  was  established. 

QUESTIONS. 
1.  Was  the  "Law  of  Nature"  a  law  in  the  same  sense 
that  the  "Civil  Law"  was?  2.  Did  the  "Law  of  Na- 
tions" exist  as  a  distinct  body  of  law?  3.  What  rela- 
tion between  this  Roman  conception  of  the  "Law  of 
Nations"  and  the  permanent  value  of  the  Institutes? 
4.  Does  the  term  "Civil  Law"  mean  the  same  thing 
to  us  as  to  the  writer  of  the  Institutes?  5.  What  sen- 
tence anticipating  the  Declaration  of  Independence  do 
you  find  here?  6.  Of  what  period  in  the  history  of 
Rome  would  the  "pleoiscites"  be  characteristic?  The 
"Senatusconsalts"?  The  "Enactments  of  the  Em- 
perors"? 7.  Show  that  the  Roman  Law  was  the 
product  of  time.  8.  What  was  peculiar  about  the  posi- 
tion of  the  judge  in  the  Roman  system?  9.  Have  we 
both  written  and  unwritten  law? 

Title  HI. 

OP  THE  LAW  OP  PERSONS. 
In  the  law  of  persons,  then,  the  first  division  is  into 
free  men  and  slaves.  Freedom,  from  which  men  are 
called  free,  is  a  man's  natural  power  of  doing  what  he 
pleases,  so  far  as  he  is  not  prevented  by  force  or  law: 
slavery  is  an  institution  of  the  law  of  nations,  against 
nature  subjecting  one  man  to  the  dominion  of' another. 
The  name  'slave'  is  derived  from  the  practice  of  gen- 
erals to  order  the  preservation  and  sale  of  captives, 
instead  of  killing  them;  hence  they  are  also  called 
mancipia,  because  they  are  taken  from  the  enemy  by 
the  strong  hand.  Slaves  are  either  born  so,  their 
mothers  being  slaves  themselves;  or  they  become  so, 
and  this  either  by  the  law  of  nations,  that  is  to  say 
13 


152  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

by  capture  in  war,  or  by  the  civil  law,  as  when  a  free 
man,  over  twenty  years  of  age,  collusively  allows  him- 
self to  be  sold  in  order  that  he  may  share  the  purchase 
money.  The  condition  of  all  slaves  is  one  and  the 
same:  in  the  cpnditions  of  free  men  there  are  many 
distinctions;  to  begin  with,  they  are  either  free  born, 
or  made  free. 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  Would  our  definition  of  "freedom"  differ  from  the 
Roman's?  2.  How  was  slavery  a  good  thing  when 
first  introduced?  3.  Point  out  all  the  ways  in  which 
our  laws  differ  from  the  laws  included  in  Title  III.  4. 
What  do  we  do  with  our  prisoners?  5.  Why  did  not 
the  Romans  take  the  same  attitude  toward  slavery 
that  we  take  to-day? 

Title  IV. 

OF    MEN    FREE    BORN. 

A  free  born  man  is  one  free  from  his  birth,  being 
the  offspring  of  parents  united  in  wedlock,  whether 
both  be  freeborn  or  both  made  free,  or  one  made  free 
and  the  other  freeborn.  He  is  also  freeborn  if  his 
mother  be  free,  even  though  his  father  be  a  slave. 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  Name  all  the  different  combinations  by  which  a 
child  might  be  freeborn.  2.  Did  the  Roman  Law  favor 
the  acquisition  of  freedom? 

Title  V. 

JF   FREEDMEN. 

Those  are  freedmen,  or  made  free,  who  have  been 
manumitted  from  legal  slavery.  Manumission  is  the 
giving  of  freedom;  for  while  a  man  is  in  slavery  he  is 
subject  to  the  power  once  known  as  nianus;  and  from 
that  power  he  is  set  free  by  manumission.  All  this 
originated  in  the  law  of  nations;  for  by  natural  law 
all  men  were  born  free — slavery,  and  by  consequence 
manumission,  being  unknown.  But  afterwards  slavery 
came  in  by  the  law  of  nations,  and  was  followed  by 
the  boon  of  manumission;  so  that  though  we  are  all 
known  by  the  common  name  of  'man,'  three  classes 
of  men  came  into  existence  with  the  law  of  nations, 
namely  men  free  born,  slaves,  and  thirdly  freedmen 
who  had  ceased  to  be  slaves.  Manumission  may  take 
place  in  various  ways:    either  in  the  holy  church,  ac- 


ROMAN    LAW.  153 

cording  to  the  sacred  constitutions,  or  by  default  in 
a  fictitious  vindication,  or  before  friends,  or  by  letter, 
or  by  testament  or  any  other  expression  of  a  man's 
last  will:  and  indeed  there  are  many  other  modes  in 
which  freedom  may  be  acquired,  introduced  by  the  con- 
stitutions of  earlier  emperors  as  well  as  by  our  own. 
It  is  usual  for  slaves  to  be  manumitted  by  their  mas- 
ters at  any  time,  even  when  the  magistrate  is  merely 
passing  by,  as  for  instance  while  the  praetor  or  pro- 
consul or  governor  of  a  province  is  going  to  the  baths 
or  the  theater. 

Of  freedmen  there  were  formerly  three  grades;  for 
those  who  were  manumitted  sometimes  obtained  a 
higher  freedom  fully  recognized  by  the  laws,  and  be- 
came Roman  citizens;  sometimes  a  lower  form,  be- 
coming by  the  lex  Junia  Norbana  Latins;  and  some- 
times finally  a  liberty  still  more  circumscribed,  being 
placed  by  the  lex  Aelia  Sentia  on  the  footing  of  ene- 
mies surrendered  at  discretion.  This  last  and  lowest 
class  however  has  long  ceased  to  exist,  and  the  title  of 
Latin  also  had  become  rare:  and  so  in  our  goodness, 
which  desires  to  raise  and  improve  in  every  matter, 
we  have  amended  this  in  two  constitutions,  and  rein- 
troduced the  earlier  usage;  for  in  the  earliest  infancy 
of  Rome  there  was  but  one  simple  type  of  liberty, 
namely  that  possessed  by  the  manumitter,  the  only 
distinction  possible  being  that  the  latter  was  freeborn, 
while  the  manumitted  slave  became  a  freedman.  We 
have  abolished  the  class  of  dcditicci,  or  enemies  sur- 
rendered at  discretion,  by  our  constitution,  published 
among  those  our  decisions,  by  which,  at  the  suggestion 
of  the  eminent  Tribonian,  our  quaestor,  we  have  set 
at  rest  the  disputes  of  the  older  law.  By  another  con- 
stitution, which  shines  brightly  among  the  imperial  en- 
actments, and  suggested  by  the  same  quaestor,  v/e  have 
altered  the  position  of  the  Latini  JiDiinni,  and  dis- 
pensed with  all  the  rules  relating  to  their  condition; 
and  have  endowed  with  the  citizenship  of  Rome  all 
freedmen  alike,  without  regard  to  the  age  of  the  person 
manumitted,  the  nature  of  the  master's  ownership,  or 
the  mode  of  manumission,  in  accordance  with  the  ear- 
lier usage;  with  the  addition  of  many  new  modes  in 
which  freedom  coupled  with  the  Roman  citizenship, 
the  only  kind  of  freedom  now  known,  may  be  bestovved 
on  slaves. 


154  EUUOPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

QUESTIONS, 

1.  What  was  the  difference  between  a  "freeman"  and 
a  "freedman"?  2.  Was  "manumission"  a  commcn. 
thing  in  the  Empire?  3.  Did  the  laws  favor  it?  4.  lu 
what  v/ay  was  the  position  of  the  freedman  better 
under  the  Empire  than  under  the  Republic?  5.  What 
would  be  the  effect  of  imperial  legislation  upon 
"equality  before  the  law"? 

Title  VI. 

of  i'ehsoxs  unable  to  manumit,  and  the 
causes  of  their  incapacity. 
In  some  cases  however  manumission  is  not  per- 
mitted; for  an  owner  who  would  defraud  his  creditors 
by  an  intended  manumission  attempts  in  vain  to  manu- 
mit, the  act  being  declared  void  by  the  lex  Aelia 
Sentia.  A  master  however  who  is  insolvent  may  in- 
stitute one  of  his  slaves  heir  in  his  will,  conferring 
freedom  on  him  at  the  same  time,  so  that  he  may  be- 
come free  and  his  sole  and  necessary  heir,  provided  no 
one  else  takes  as  heir  under  the  will,  either  because 
no  one  else  was  instituted  at  all,  or  because  the  person 
instituted  for  some  reason  or  other  does  not  take 
the  inheritance.  And  this  was  a  judicious  provision 
of  the  lex  Aelia  Sentia,  for  it  was  most  desirable  that 
persons  in  embarrassed  circumstances,  who  could  get 
no  other  heir,  should  have  a  slave  as  necessary  heir 
to  satisfy  their  creditors'  claims,  or  at  least  (if  he  did 
not  do  this)  the  creditors  might  sell  the  estate  in  the 
slave's  name,  so  as  to  save  the  memory  of  the  deceased 
from  disrepute.  The  law  is  the  same  if  the  slave  be 
instituted  heir  without  liberty  being  expressly  given 
him,  this  being  enacted  by  our  constitution  in  all 
cases,  and  not  merely  where  the  master  is  insolvent; 
so  that  in  accordance  with  the  modern  spirit  of 
humanity,  institution  will  be  equivalent  to  a  gift  of 
liberty;  for  it  is  unlikely,  in  spite  of  the  omission  of 
the  grant  of  freedom,  that  one  should  have  wished  the 
person  whom  one  has  chosen  as  one's  heir  to  remain  a 
slave,  so  that  one  should  have  no  heir  at  all.  If  a 
person  is  insolvent  at  the  time  of  manumission,  or  be- 
comes so  by  the  manumission  itself,  this  is  manumis- 
sion in  fraud  of  creditors.  It  is  however  now  set- 
tled law,  that  the  gift  of  liberty  is  not  avoided  unless 
the  intention  of  the  manumitter  was  fraudulent,  even 


ROMAN    LAW.  155 

though  his  property  is  in  fact  insufficient  to  meet  his 
creditor's  claims;  for  men  often  hope  and  believe  that 
they  are  better  off  than  they  really  are.  Consequently, 
we  understand  a  gift  of  liberty  to  be  avoided  only 
when  the  creditors  are  defrauded  both  by  the  intention 
of  the  manumitter,  and  in  fact:  that  is  to  say,  by  his 
property  being  insufficient  to  meet  their  claims. 

The  same  lex  Aelia  Sentia  makes  it  unlawful  for  a 
master  under  twenty  years  of  age  to  manumit,  except 
in  the  mode  of  fictitious  vindication,  preceded  by 
proof  of  some  legitimate  motive  before  the  council. 
It  is  a  legitimate  motive  of  manumission  if  the  slave 
to  be  manumitted  be,  for  instance,  the  father  or  mother 
of  the  manumitter,  or  his  son  or  daughter,  or  his 
natural  mother  or  sister,  his  teacher  or  governor,  his 
nurse  or  foster-brother,  or  a  slave  whom  he  wishes 
to  make  his  agent,  or  a  female  slave  whom  he  intends 
to  marry;  provided  he  marry  her  within  six  months, 
and  provided  that  the  slave  intended  as  an  agent  is 
not  less  than  seventeen  years  of  age  at  the  time  of 
manumission.  When  a  motive  for  manumission, 
whether  true  or  false,  has  once  been  proved,  the  coun- 
cil cannot  withdraw  its  sanction. 

Thus  the  lex  Aelia  Sentia  having  prescribed  a  cer- 
tain mode  of  manumission  for  owners  under  twenty, 
it  followed  that  though  a  person  fourteen  years  of  age 
could  make  a  will,  and  therein  institute  an  heir  and 
leave  legacies,  yet  he  could  not  confer  liberty  on  a 
slave  until  he  had  completed  his  twentieth  year.  But 
it  seemed  an  intolerable  hardship  that  a  man  who  had 
the  power  of  disposing  freely  of  all  his  property  by 
will  should  not  be  allowed  to  give  his  freedom  to  a 
single  slave:  wherefore  we  allow  him  to  deal  in  his 
last  will  as  he  pleases  with  his  slaves  as  with  the  rest 
of  his  property,  and  even  to  give  them  their  liberty  if 
he  will.  But  liberty  being  a  boon  beyond  price,  for 
which  very  reason  the  power  of  manumission  was 
denied  by  the  older  law  to  owners  under  twenty  years 
of  age,  we  have  as  it  were  selected  a  middle  course,  and 
permitted  persons  under  twenty  years  of  age  to  manu- 
mit their  slaves  by  will,  but  not  until  they  have  com- 
pleted their  seventeenth  and  entered  on  their  eigh- 
teenth year.  For  when  ancient  custom  allowed  persons 
of  this  age  to  plead  on  behalf  of  others,  why  should  not 


156  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

their  judgment  be  deemed  sound  enough  to  enable 
them  to  use  discretion  in  giving  freedom  to  their  own 
slaves? 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  The  Roman  Law  has  been  called  "written  reason." 
Prove  from  the  above  extract  that  it  is  jus.ly  so  called. 
2.  Was  the  spirit  of  the  Roman  Law  favorable  or 
unfavorable  to  slavery?  3.  How  could  the  "father  of 
the  manumitter"  be  a  slave?  4.  Did  economic  reasons 
ever  stand  in  the  way  of  manumission?  5.  Why  was 
manumission  a  more  natural  thing  in  the  Empire  than 
in  this  country  before  the  war? 

Title  VII. 

OF   THE    REPEAL   OF   THE   LEX   FUFIA    CANINIA. 

Moreover,  by  the  lex  Fufia  Caninia  a  limit  was 
placed  on  the  number  of  slaves  who  could  receive 
testamentary  manumission:  but  this  law  we  have 
thought  fit  to  repeal,  as  an  obstacle  to  freedom  and  to 
some  extent  invidious,  for  it  was  certainly  inhuman  to 
take  away  from  a  man  on  his  deathbed  the  right  of 
liberating  the  whole  of  his  slaves,  which  he  could  have 
exercised  at  any  moment  during  his  lifetime,  unless 
there  were  some  other  obstacle  to  the  act  of  manu- 
mission. 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  How  is  the  liberality  of  the  Empire  shown?  2. 
How  the  reasonableness  of  the  Roman  Law?  3.  How 
the  tendency  toward  equality? 

Title  VIII. 

OF   PERSONS    INDEPENDENT    OR    DEPENDENT. 

Another  division  of  the  law  relating  to  persons 
classifies  them  as  either  independent  or  dependent. 
Those  again  who  are  dependent  are  in  the  power  either 
of  parents  or  of  masters.  Let  us  first  then  consider 
those  who  are  dependent,  for  by  learning  who  these 
are  we  shall  at  the  same  time  leara  who  are  independ- 
ent. And  first  let  us  look  at  those  who  are  in  the 
power  of  masters. 

Now  slaves  are  in  the  power  of  masters,  a  power 
recognized  by  the  law  of  all  nations,  for  all  nations 
present  the  spectacle  of  masters  invested  with  power 
of  life  and  death  over  slaves;  and  to  whatever  is  ac- 
quired through  a  slave  his  owner  is  entitled.    But  in 


ROMAN    LAW.  157 

the  present  day  no  one  under  our  sway  is  permitted 
to  indulge  in  excessive  liarshness  towards  his  slaves, 
without  some  reason  recognized  by  law;  for,  by  a  con- 
stitution of  the  Emperor  Pius  Antoninus,  a  man  is 
made  as  liable  to  punishment  for  Itilling  his  own 
slave  as  for  killing  the  slave  of  another  parson;  and 
extreme  severity  on  the  part  cf  masters  is  checked 
by  another  constitution  whereby  the  same  Emperor, 
in  answer  to  enquiries  from  presidents  of  provinces 
concerning  slaves  who  take  refuge  at  churches  or 
statues  of  the  Emperor,  commanded  that  on  proof  of 
intolerable  cruelty  a  master  should  be  compelled  to 
sell  his  slaves  on  fair  terms,  so  as  to  receive  their 
value.  And  both  of  these  are  reasonable  enactments, 
for  the  public  interest  requires  that  no  one  should 
make  an  evil  use  of  his  own  property.  The  terms  of 
the  rescript  of  Antoninus  to  Aelius  Marcianus  are  as 
follows: — 'The  powers  of  masters  over  their  slaves 
ought  to  continue  undiminished,  nor  ought  any  man  to 
be  deprived  of  his  hiwl'ul  rights;  but  it  is  the  master's 
own  interest  that  relief  justly  sought  against  cruelty, 
insuflicient  sustenance,  or  intolerable  wrong,  should 
not  be  denied.  I  enjoin  you  then  to  look  into  the 
complaints  of  the  slaves  of  Julius  Sabinus,  who  have 
fled  for  protection  to  the  statue  of  the  Emperor,  and 
if  you  find  them  treated  with  undue  harshness  or 
other  ignominious  wrong,  order  them  to  be  sold,  so 
that  they  may  not  again  fall  under  the  power  of  their 
master;  and  the  latter  will  find  if  he  attempts  to  evade 
this  my  enactment,  I  shall  visit  his  offence  with  severe 
punishment.' 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  How  did  the  position  of  a  man's  slaves  differ  from 
that  of  his  cattle?  2.  What  checks  were  exercised  by 
the  state  upon  the  exercise  of  the  master's  authority? 
3.  On  what  ground  was  this  done?  4.  Why  did  the 
slaves  "fiee  to  the  statue  of  the  Emperor"? 

Title  IX. 

OP    PATERNAL    POWER. 

Our  children  whom  we  have  begotten  in  lawful 
wedlock  are  in  our  power.  Wedlock  or  matrimony  is 
the  union  of  male  and  female,  involving  the  habitual 
intercourse  of  daily  life.  The  power  which  we  have 
over  our  children  is  peculiar  to  Roman  citizens  and 


158  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

is  found  in  no  other  nation.  The  offspring  then  of 
you  and  your  wife  is  in  your  power,  and  so  too  is 
that  of  your  son  and  his  wife,  that  is  to  say,  your 
grandson  and  granddaughter,  and  so  on.  But  the  off- 
spring of  your  daughter  is  not  in  your  power,  but  in 
that  of  its  own  father. 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  What  was  there  peculiar  about  the  Roman 
paternal  power?  2.  Why  was  not  the  offspring  of  a 
man's  daughter  in  his  power?  3.  Was  his  married 
daughter  in  his  power?  4.  How  does  our  family 
organization  differ  from  that  of  the  Roman?  5.  Which 
is  superior,  and  why? 

BOOK  II. 

Title  I. 

OF    THE    DIFFEKEXT    KINDS    OF    THINGS. 

In  me  preceding  book  we  have  expounded  the  law 
of  Persons:  now  let  us  proceed  to  the  law  of  Things. 
Of  these  some  admit  of  private  ownership,  while  others, 
it  is  held,  cannot  belong  to  individuals:  for  some 
things  are  by  natural  law  common  to  all,  some  are 
public,  some  belong  to  a  society  or  corporation,  and 
some  belong  to  no  one.  But  most  things  belong  to 
individuals,  being  acquired  by  various  titles,  as  will 
appear  from  what  follows. 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  How  many  divisions  of  things  do  the  Institutes 
make?    2.  Do  those  divisions  exist  in  modern  society? 

THINGS    COMMON    TO    ALL. 

Thus,  the  following  things  are  by  natural  law  com- 
mon to  all — the  air,  running  water,  the  sea,  and  con- 
sequently the  sea-shore.  No  one  therefore  is  forbidden 
access  to  the  sea-shore,  provided  he  abstains  from  in- 
jury to  houses,  monuments,  and  buildings  generally; 
for  these  are  not,  like  the  sea  itself,  subject  to  the  law 
of  nations.  On  the  other  hand,  all  rivers  and  harbours 
are  public,  so  that  all  persons  have  a  right  to  fish 
therein.  The  sea-shore  extends  to  the  limit  of  the 
highest  tide  in  time  of  storm  or  winter.  Again,  the 
public  use  of  the  banks  of  a  river,  as  of  the  river 
itself,  is  part  of  the  law  of  nations;  consequently 
every  one  is  entitled  to  bring  his  vessel  to  the  bank. 


ROMAN    LAW.  159 

and  fasten  cables  to  the  trees  growing  there,  and  use 
it  as  a  resting  place  for  the  cargo,  as  freely  as  he  may- 
navigate  the  river  Itself.  But  the  ownership  of  the 
bank  is  in  the  owner  of  the  adjoining  land,  and  con- 
sequently so  too  is  the  ownership  of  the  trees  which 
grow  upon  it.  Again,  the  public  use  of  the  sea-shore, 
as  of  the  sea  itself,  is  part  of  the  law  of  nations;  con- 
sequently everyone  is  free  to  build  a  cottage  upon  it 
for  purposes  of  retreat,  as  well  as  to  dry  his  nets 
and  haul  them  up  from  the  sea.  But  they  cannot  be 
said  to  belong  to  anyone  as  private  property,  but 
rather  are  subject  to  the  same  law  as  the  sea  itself, 
with  the  soil  or  sand  which  lies  beneath  it.  As  ex- 
amples of  things  belonging  to  a  society  or  corpora- 
tion, and  not  to  individuals,  may  be  cited  buildings 
in  cities — theaters,  racecourses,  and  such  other  similar 
things  as  belong  to  cities  in  their  corporate  capacity. 

QUESTIONS. 
1.  To  what  extent  does  our  modern  law  agree  with 
the  Roman  Law  contained  in  the  above  paragraph? 

SACRED    THINGS. 

Things  which  are  sacred,  devoted  to  superstitious 
uses,  or  sanctioned,  belong  to  no  one,  for  what  is  sub- 
ject to  divine  law  is  no  one's  property.  Those  thiags 
are  sacred  which  have  been  duly  consecrated  to  God 
by  His  ministers,  such  as  churches  and  votive  offerings 
which  have  been  properly  dedicated  to  His  service; 
and  these  we  have  by  our  constitution  forbidden  to  be 
alienated  or  pledged,  except  to  redeem  captives  from 
bondage.  If  any  one  attempts  to  consecrate  a  thing 
for  himself  and  by  his  own  authority,  its  character  is 
unaltered,  and  it  does  not  become  sacred.  The  ground 
on  which  a  sacred  building  is  erected  remains  sacred 
even  after  the  destruction  of  the  building,  as  was 
declared  also  by  Papinian.  Any  one  can  devote  a 
place  to  superstitious  uses  of  his  own  free  will,  that 
is  to  say,  by  burying  a  dead  body  in  his  own  land. 
It  is  not  lawful  however  to  bury  in  land  which  one 
owns  jointly  with  some  one  else,  or  which  has  not 
hitherto  been  used  for  this  purpose,  without  the 
other's  consent,  though  one  may  lawfully  bury  in  a 
common  sepulchre  even  without  such  consent.  Again, 
the  owner   may   not   devote   a  place  to   superstitious 


160  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

uses  in  which  another  has  a  usufruct  wihout  the  con- 
sent of  the  latter.  It  is  lawful  to  bury  in  another 
man's  ground  if  he  gives  permission,  and  the  ground 
thereby  becomes  religious  even  though  he  should  not 
give  his  consent  to  the  interment  till  af  :er  it  has  taksn 
place.  Sanctioned  things  too,  such  as  city  walls  and 
gates,  are,  in  a  sense,  subject  to  divine  law,  and  there- 
fore are  not  owned  by  any  individual.  Such  walls  are 
said  to  be  'sanctioned,'  because  any  offence  against 
them  is  visited  with  capital  punishment;  for  which 
reason  those  parts  of  the  laws  in  which  we  establish 
a  penalty  for  their  transgressors  are  called  sanctions. 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  Is  our  law  touching  "sacred  things"  the  same  as 
the  Roman?  2.  May  church  ediiices  be  alienated  to- 
day? 3.  "Why  was  the  one  exception  made  in  the 
Institutes?  4.  Does  any  such  respect  for  sacred  ground 
exist  in  our  laws?  5.  Why  should  walls  and  gates  be 
sacred? 

HOW    THINGS    BECOME    PRIVATE    PROPERTY. 

Things  become  the  private  property  of  individuals 
in  many  ways,  for  the  titles  by  which  we  acquire 
ownership  in  them  are  some  of  them  titles  of  natural 
law,  which,  as  we  said,  is  called  the  law  of  nations, 
while  some  of  them  are  titles  of  civil  law.  It  will  thus 
be  more  convenient  to  take  the  older  law  first:  and 
natural  law  is  clearly  the  older,  having  been  insti- 
tuted by  nature  at  the  first  origin  of  mankind,  whereas 
civil  laws  first  came  into  existence  when  states  began 
to  be  founded,  magistrates  to  be  created,  and  laws 
to  be   written. 

Wild  animals,  birds,  and  fish,  that  is  to  say  all  the 
creatures  which  the  land,  the  sea,  and  the  sky  produce, 
as  soon  as  they  are  caught  by  any  one  become  at  once 
the  property  of  their  captor  by  the  law  of  nations; 
for  natural  reason  admits  the  title  of  the  first  occupant 
to  that  which  previously  had  no  owner.  So  far  as  the 
occupant's  title  is  concerned,  it  is  immaterial  whether 
it  is  on  his  own  land  or  on  that  of  another  that  he 
catches  wild  animals  or  birds,  though  it  is  clear  that 
if  he  goes  on  another  man's  land  for  the  sake  of  hunt- 
ing or  fowling,  the  later  may  forbid  him  entry  if 
aware  of  his  purpose.  An  animal  thus  caught  by  you 
Is  deemed  your  property  so  long  as  it  is  completely 


ROMAN    LAW.  161 

under  your  control:  but  so  soon  as  it  has  escaped  from 
your  control,  and  recovered  its  natural  liberty,  it  ceases 
to  be  yours,  and  belongs  to  the  first  person  who  sub- 
sequently catches  it.  It  is  deemed  to  have  recovered 
its  natural  liberty  when  you  have  lest  £ight  cf  it,  or 
when,  though  it  is  still  in  your  sight,  it  would  be 
difficult  to  pursue  it.  It  has  been  doubted  whether  a 
wild  animal  becomes  your  property  immediately  you 
ha^e  wounded  it  £0"  severely  as  to  ba  able  to  ca'ch  it. 
Some  have  thought  that  it  becomes  yours  at  once,  and 
remains  so  long  as  you  pursue  it,  though  it  ceases 
to  be  yours  when  you  cease  the  pursuit,  and  becopaes 
again  the  property  of  any  one  who  catches  it:  others 
have  been  of  the  opinion  that  it  does  not  belong  to 
you  till  you  have  actually  caught  it.  And  we  confirm 
this  latter  view,  for  it  may  happen  in  many  ways  that 
you  will  not  capture  it.  Bees  again  are  naturally 
wild;  hence  if  a  swarm  settles  on  your  tree,  it  is  no 
more  considered  yours,  until  you  have  hived  it,  than 
the  birds  which  build  their  nests  there,  and  conse- 
quently if  it  is  hived  by  someone  else,  it  becomes  his 
property.  So  too  any  one  may  take  the  honeycombs 
which  bees  may  chance  to  have  made,  though,  of 
course,  if  you  see  some  one  coming  on  your  land  for 
this  purpose,  you  have  a  right  to  forbid  him  entry  be- 
fore that  purpose  is  affected.  A  swarm  which  has  flown 
from  your  hive  is  considered  to  remain  yours  so  long  as 
it  is  in  your  sight  and  easy  of  pursuit:  otherwise  it  be- 
longs to  the  first  person  who  catches  it.  Pea-fowl  too 
and  pigeons  are  naturally  wild,  and  it  is  no  valid  objec- 
tion that  they  are  used  to  return  to  the  same  spots  from 
which  they  fly  away,  for  bees  do  this;  and  it  is  admit- 
ted^that  bees  are  wild  by  nature;  and  some  people  have 
deer  so  tame  that  they  will  go  into  the  woods  and  yet 
habitually  come  back  again,  and  still  no  one  denies 
that  they  are  naturally  wild.  With  regard,  however, 
to  animals  which  have  this  habit  of  going  away  and 
coming  back  again,  the  rule  has  been  established  that 
they  are  deemed  yours  so  long  as  they  have  the  intent 
to  return:  for  if  they  cease  to  have  this  intention  they 
cease  to  be  yours,  and  belong  to  the  first  person  who 
takes  them;  and  when  they  lose  the  habit  they  seem 
also  to  have  lost  the  intention  of  returning.  Fowls 
and  geese  are  not  naturally  wild,  as  is  shown  by  the 
fact  that  there   are   some  kinds   of   fowls   and   geese 


lt)"Z  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

which  we  call  wild  kinds.  Hence  if  your  geese  and 
fowls  are  frightened  and  fly  away  they  are  considered 
to  continue  yours  wherever  they  may  be,  even  though 
you  have  lost  sight  of  them;  and  any  one  who  keeps 
them  intending  thereby  to  make  a  profit  is  held  guilty 
of  theft.  Things  again  which  we  capture  from  the 
enemy  at  once  becomes  ours  by  the  law  of  nations,  so 
that  by  this  rule,  even  free  men  become  our  slaves, 
though,  if  they  escape  from  our  power  and  return  to 
their  own  people,  they^recover  their  previous  condition. 
Precious  stones,  too,  and  gems,  and  all  other  things 
found  on  the  seashore,  become  immediately  by  natural 
law  the  property  of  the  finder:  and  by  the  same  law 
the  young  of  animals  of  which  you  are  the  owner  be- 
come your  property  also. 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  Are  the  generalizations  in  the  first  paragraph 
above  correct?  2.  How  do  our  game  laws  differ  from 
the  Roman?  3.  Which  is  the  more  advanced?  4.  How 
are  the  Roman  laws  dealing  with  bees  inferior  to  ours? 
5.  What  do  you  think  about  the  reasoning  upon  fowls 
and  geese?  6.  What  is  our  law  touching  property 
found  on  the  seashore? 

OWNERSHIP    OF    LAND. 

Moreover,  soil  which  a  river  has  added  to  your  land 
by  alluvion  becomes  yours  by  the  law  of  nations.  Al- 
luvion is  an  imperceptible  addition;  and  that  which 
is  added  so  gradually  that  you  cannot  perceive  the 
exact  increase  from  one  moment  of  time  to  another 
is  added  by  alluvion.  If,  however,  the  violence  of  a 
stream  sweeps  away  a  parcel  of  your  land  and  carries 
it  down  to  the  land  of  your  neighbor,  it  clearly  remains 
yours;  though,  of  course,  if  in  process  of  time  it  be- 
comes firmly  attached  to  your  neighbor's  land,  and 
the  trees  which  it  carried  with  it  strike  roof  in  the 
latter,  they  are  deemed  from  that  time  to  have  become 
part  and  parcel  thereof.  When  an  island  rises  in  the 
sea,  though  this  rarely  happens,  it  belongs  to  the  first 
occupant;  for,  until  occupied,  it  is  held  to  belong  to 
no  one.  If,  however  (as  often  occurs),  an  island  ris?s 
in  a  river,  and  it  lies  in  the  middle  of  the  stream,  it 
belongs  in  common  to  the  landholders  on  either  bank, 
in  proportion  to  the  extent  of  their  riparian  interest; 
but  if  it  lies  nearer  to  one  bank  than  to  the  other,  it 


ROMAN    LAW.  163 

belongs  to  the  landowners  on  that  bank  only.  If  a 
river  divides  into  two  channels,  and  by  uniting  again 
these  channels  transform  a  man's  land  into  an  island, 
the  ownership  of  that  land  is  in  no  way  altered:  but 
if  a  river  entirely  leaves  its  old  channel  and  begins  to 
run  in  a  new  one  the  old  channel  belongs  to  the  land- 
owners on  either  side  of  it  in  proportion  to  the  extent 
of  their  riparian  interest,  while  the  new  one  acquires 
the  same  legal  character  as  the  river  itself,  and  be- 
comes public.  But  if  after  a  while  the  river  returns 
to  its  old  channel  the  new  channel  again  becomes  the 
property  of  those  who  possess  the  land  along  its 
banks.  It  is  otherwise  if  one's  land  is  wholly  flooded, 
for  a  flood  does  not  permanently  alter  the  nature  of 
the  land,  and  conseauently  if  the  water  goes  back  the 
soil  clearly  belongs  to  its  previous  owners. 

QUESTIONS. 
1.  Make  a  list  of  all  the  legal  questions  dealt  with 
in  the  la^t  paragraph  and  show  the  reasonableness  of 
the  Roman  La.\;.  2.  Prepare  an  outline  indicating  all 
of  the  Roman  Law  that  still  holds  good  and  all  that 
has  been  abandoned  and  show  why  it  has  been  aban- 
doned. 


No. 

III. 

Nov., 

1899. 

No. 

IV. 

Dec, 

1899. 

No. 

V. 

Jan., 

1900. 

No. 

VI. 

Feb., 

1900. 

No. 

VII. 

March 

,  19J0. 

No. 

VIII. 

April, 

1900. 

No. 

IX. 

May, 

19  0. 

No. 

X. 

June, 

1900. 

EUROPEAN  HISTORY  STUDIES. 

FRED  MORROW  FLING,  PH.D., 
Professor  of  European  History,  University  of  Nebraska. 

EDITOR. 

^><^     A  monthly  publication.    Subscription  40  cents.    Extracts  from 
the  sources;  translations  from  the  writers  of  the  period  studied. 

Vol.  ill.    The  French  Revolution. 

No.        I.  Sept.,    1899.    Absolutism  in  the  Church:    The  Consti- 
tution. 
No.      II.  Oct.,      1899.    Struggle    against     Absolutism     in     the 
Church;  Certitloates  of  Confession. 

The  Church  and  the  Philosophers. 

Reform  Edicts ;  Turgot. 

The  Administration  of  Finance;  Necker. 

The  Notable.s. 

The  King  and  the  Parliaments. 

The  Age  of  Pamphlets. 

The  Elections  to  the  States  General. 

The  Cahiers  of  Complaints. 

Vol.  II.    Civilization  of  the  Middle  Ages. 

1898-1899.  No.  I.  Christian  and  Pagan.  No.  IT.  The  Teutonic 
Barbarians.  No.  III.  Selections  from  the  Koran.  No.  IV. 
Chivalry  and  the  Mode  of  Warfare.  No.  V.  Feudalism. 
No.  VI.  Monasticism.  No.  VII.  The  Jews  of  Angevin 
England.  No.  VIII.  riise  of  Cities.  No.  IX.  The  Trades 
of  Paris.    No.  X.    Mediaeval  Science. 

Bound  in  do  h,  6o  cents;  for  introduction,  50  cents  net. 

Vol.  I,    Greek  and  Roman  Civilization. 

1897-1898.  No.  I.  The  Homeric  Age.  No.  II.  The  Athenian 
Constitution.  No.  III.  Spartan  Life.  No.  IV.  Alexander's 
Mode  of  Warfare.  No.  V.  The  Aehaen  League.  No.  VI. 
Roman  Constitution  No.  VII.  Roman  Life  of  tae  First 
Punic  War.  No.  VIII.  Roman  Life  of  the  Jugurthine 
Period.  No.  IX.  Roman  Life  Under  the  Empire.  No.  X. 
Roman  Laws. 

Bound  in  cloth,  60  cents;  for  introduction,  50  cents  net. 

BOOKS  ON  METHOD 

Studies  in  European  and  American  History. 

F.  M.  Fling  and  H.  W.  Caldwell. 

A  book  of  over  300  pages  setting  forth  the  principles,  methods, 
and  advantages  of  the  "Source  Method."  Containiiitr  also  studies 
on  such  subjects  as  The  Grecian  Period,  The  Roniiins,  Absolute 
Monarchies,  The  French  Revolution.  Early  Viigin\i  History. 
Early  Massactiusetts  Laws,  and  others.    Cloth.    Price,  $1  00. 

Outlines  of  Historical  Method. 

F.  M.  Fling,  Ph.D. 

This  volume  contains  some  of  the  strongest  papers  yet  published 
In  English  on  Method  in  History.  It  treats  clearly  the  subjects 
of  External  and  Internal  Criticism  of  Sources  and  Synthetic 
Operations.    Cloth.    Price,  60  cents. 

The  Leaflets 

All  the  Leaflets  named  above  are  kept  in  stock.  Single  copv.  h 
cents  each.  Ten  or  more  copies  of  one  number,  4  cents  each.  Tea 
or  more  subscriptions  to  the  current  volume,  or  ten  or  more  sets 
of  any  previous  volume  unbound,  sent  to  one  address  at  30  cents 
each.    Samples  of  the  Leaflets  sent  free  to  any  address. 

Address  J.  H.  MILLER,  Publisher.  Lincon.  Neb. 


No. 

I. 

Sept., 

1899. 

No. 

II. 

Oct., 

1899. 

No. 

III. 

Nov., 

1899. 

No. 

IV. 

Dec, 

1899. 

No. 

V. 

Jan  , 

1900. 

No. 

VI. 

Feb. 

1<'00 

No. 

VII. 

March 

,  1900. 

AMERICAN  HISTORY  STUDIES. 

H.  W.  CALDWELL,  A.  M., 
Professor  of  American  History,  University  of  Nebraska. 

EDITOK. 

A  monthly  publication.  Subscription  40  cents.  Extracts  from 
the  sources  of  American  History,  Early  Laws,  Treaties,  State 
Papers,  Letters,  Speeches,  etc 

Vol.  III.    Territorial  Development:     Expansion. 

Territorial  Boundaries. 

First  Nationtfl  Boundaries, 

The  Northwest  Territory. 

Acquisition  of  Louisiana. 

Purchase  of  Florida. 

Annexation  of  Texas. 

Conquest  of  California  and  New  Mexico 
No.  VIII.  April,    1900. 
No.      IX.  May,      1900.    Alaska  and  Hawaii. 
No.       X.June,     19,0.    West  Indies  and  the  Philippines. 

Vol.  II.    Some  American  Legislators. 

1898-1899.  No.  I.  Gillatin.  No.  II.  J.  Q  Adaiis.  No.  III.  Clay. 
No.  IV.  Webster.  No.  V.  Calhoun.  No.  VI.  Sumner. 
No.  VII.  Douglas.  No.  VIII.  Seward.  No.  IX.  Chase 
No.  X.    Bla.ne. 

Vol.  I.    A  Survey  of  American  History. 

/897-1898.  No.  I.  Founding  of  the  Colonies.  No.  II  Develop- 
ment of  Union  among  the  Colonies.  No.  III.  Gau;  e  of  ttie 
Revolution.  No.  IV.  Formation  of  the  Constitution.  No. 
V.  Growth  of  Naiio  ality.  No.  VI.  Sluvery  (I).  No.  VII. 
Slavery  (-1).  No.  VIII  Civil  War  and  Reconstruction. 
No.  IX.  Foreign  Relations.  No.  X.  Industrial  Develop- 
ment.    [Extra.    Early  Colonial  Laws,  5  cents.] 

BOOKS  ON  METHOD 

Studies  in  European  and  American  History. 

F.  M.  Fling  and  H.  W.  Caldwell. 

A  book  of  over  300  pages  setting  forth  the  principles,  methods, 
and  advantages  of  the  -'Source  Method."  Containing  also  siudies 
on  such  subjects  as  The  Grecian  Period.  The  Romans,  Absolute 
Monarchies,  The  French  Revolution.  Early  Virginia  Histor.v 
Early  Massachusetts  Laws,  and  others.    Cloth.    Price,  $1  00. 

Outlines  of  Historical  Method. 

F.  M.  Fling,  Ph.D. 

This  volume  contains  some  of  the  strongest  papers  yet  published 
in  English  on  Method  in  History.  It  treats  clearly  the  subjects 
of  E.vicmal  and  Internal  Criticism  of  Sources  and  Synthetic- 
Operations.    Cloth.    Price,  60  cents. 

The  Leaflets 

All  the  Leaflets  named  above  are  kept  in  stock.  Single  copy,  5 
cents  each.  Ten  or  more  copies  of  one  number,  4  cents  each.  Tea 
or  more  subscriptions  to  the  current  volume,  or  t€n  or  more  set.'; 
of  any  previous  volume  unbound,  sent  to  one  address  at  30  cent;', 
each.    Samples  of  the  Leaflets  sent  free  to  any  address. 

Address  J.  H.  MILLER,  Publisher,  Lincon,  Neb. 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  AT  LOS  ANGELES 

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